User:Jayen466/Prem Rawat

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[edit] Collection of all the material on the family split and the resulting process of Westernization

Apparent stages:

  1. -- Satguru, prior to family split, Indian concept of guru in touch with the divine (unlike the Western concept of a personal God) -1974
  2. -- Less Hindu, emphasis on Rawat's personal authority, influenced in practical decisions by his advisor and DLM President Mishler, incipient DLM democratisation/Americanisation -mid-1976
  3. -- Mishler ousted towards the end of 1976, resigns officially January 1977 (Rawat is now 18)
  4. -- Temporary revival of Hindu devotionalism, appearing in Krishna costume in late 1976, reversing Ashram closures started by Mishler -1983
  5. -- Final Westernization, abandonment of ashrams and guru status, new name Elan Vital, speaker 1983-

To incorporate:

Stephen J. Hunt Alternative Religions: A Sociological Introduction (2003), pp. 116–7, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-3410-8 - "Once viewed by followers as Satguru or Perfect Master, he also appears to have surrendered his almost divine status as a guru. Now, the notion of spiritual growth is not derived, as with other gurus, from his personal charisma, but from the nature of his teachings and its benefit to the individual adherents to his movement. Maharaji also dismantled the structure of ashrams (communal homes)".
Dupertuis, available online here, needs to be evaluated and incorporated to a greater extent.

Nik's sources for evaluation: User:Nik Wright2/ Rawat balanced sources

[edit] From Divine Guru to inspirational speaker – the process of Westernisation

Several scholars noted that the young Rawat claimed or suggested that he was divine, in accord with the Indian Sant Mat tradition of regarding the "Perfect Master" as an embodiment of God.[1][2] This concept of a Master embodying God, while very common in Eastern traditions, is without parallel in the West.[3] The master is held to embody the impersonal creative energy of existence, and to make it perceivable to the disciple; it is this perception that forms the basis of the guru-disciple relationship.[3] Previous prophets, such as Buddha or Jesus Christ, are believed to have embodied the same impersonal energy, so each satguru is in a sense viewed as their reincarnation.[3]

Hence, as a guru with Western disciples drawn largely from the countercultural milieu – which had its own, preexisting brand of millennial thought – Rawat carried divine connotations for many of his followers, and his appeal that they should give up their beliefs and concepts did not prevent them from adopting a set of ideas about his divinity and the coming of a new age.[4] Despite his denial in a July, 1972 interview of any claim to being a Messiah,[5] millennial expectations were fostered partly by his mother, whose talks were full of references to her son's divine nature, and partly by Rawat himself, who tended to encourage whatever view was held by people.[4][6]

In April 1974, at the age of sixteen, Rawat became an emancipated minor, and in May married 25-year-old Marolyn Johnson, one of his American students.[7] His marriage to a non-Indian severed his relationship with his mother, who denounced him and returned to India with his two elder brothers.[8] There she gained legal control of the Indian DLM and appointed the eldest brother, Satpal, as its leader.[9][10] Rawat maintained the support of the Western disciples.[11] He had by then become financially independent as a result of contributions from his Western devotees, which made it possible for him to follow the lifestyle of an American millionaire.[12][13]

Prior to Prem Rawat's marriage in 1974, the Rawat family had collectively formed the DLM movement's international leadership.[14] The family split and consequent religious schism was accompanied by a period of doctrinal instability in the American and European DLM that would eventually lead to almost complete Westernisation.[15]

First, the Hinduistic background and the significance of his father came to be deemphasised, in favor of presenting Prem Rawat himself as the movement's spiritual authority.[16][15] Most of the mahatmas either returned to India or were dismissed.[13] Initiation policy underwent a change – before 1975 it was sufficient to have a strong longing for "Knowledge", after 1975 one had to accept Rawat as a personal saviour in order to become a member.[17]

The movement's composition began to change, too, with individuals attracted to Rawat's message now comprising a higher proportion of socially well-adjusted individuals, rather than members of the hippie counterculture.[18] According to the Catholic sociologists Derks and van der Lans, pre-1975 followers had been attracted by DLM's Hinduistic ideology, which offered them an opportunity to legitimise their already existing rejection of the Western utilitarian world view. After 1975, new members increasingly included people who had been very religious in their preadolescent years. Derks and van der Lans suggest that this preadolescent, primarily Christian religiosity had been lost in adolescence, but refound in the "satsang" of the Divine Light Mission. According to their analysis, the new followers came to see Prem Rawat and their relationship with him as a source of continuous religious experience, making Rawat much more important for them than he had been for many of the pre-1975 members.[19]

The effective departure of DLM president Robert Mishler in 1976 marked the point where the young Rawat, still only 18, fully established himself as the movement's leader.[20] In January 1976, Rawat had encouraged students to leave the ashrams and to discard Indian customs and terminology.[21]

At this time, according to Downton, there were still residues of belief in Rawat's divinity, but the vast majority of his students had come to view Rawat primarily as their spiritual teacher, guide and inspiration.[22]

In late 1976, Rawat reversed the policy of ashram closures, while at the same time curtailing moves towards democratisation that had been initiated within the DLM movement.[23][24] His appearance at an event on 20 December 1976 in Atlantic City, New Jersey, wearing a traditional Krishna costume for the first time since 1975, signalled a resurgence of devotion and Indian influence. His followers returned to elevating Rawat to a higher level in the conveyance of "Knowledge", with many returning to ashram life in 1977, shifting back from secular tendencies towards ritual and messianic beliefs.[25][26][23] Devotionalism became an even greater aspect of Prem Rawat’s teaching and the millenarian ideology of the early 1970s fell from use.[27] Mishler formally resigned in January 1977.

As the single charismatic leader, unencumbered by competing family members or challenged by assertive officials, Prem Rawat reprised, albeit in a North American context, the distinctive role of a Sant Mat Guru.[3][22][28] But according to author Sophia Collier, there were both those who sincerely believed that he was the Lord of Creation in human flesh and those who knew him a little better than that, and related to him in a more human way, more as a teacher, guide and co-conspirator in their personal pursuit of a more heavenly way of life.[6]

Mishler and several ex-members later became vocal critics of Rawat's movement.[29][30] A number of these critics made claims of brainwashing and mind control.[31][32]

In 1977 Rawat became a US citizen.[33]

In the early 1980s, the Hindu traditions and religious parables that had been prominent in Prem Rawat's teachings were abandoned as obstacles to a wider western acceptance of his message, and gave way to an exclusive focus on "Knowledge", a set of instructions about living life. Formerly considered the "Perfect Master", Prem Rawat abandoned his "almost divine status as guru" for good. Spiritual growth was no longer attained by the grace of the guru, but from the teachings and their benefit to individuals.[34][35]

In 1983 the downsized Divine Light Mission changed its name to Elan Vital, and Rawat closed the last western ashrams, marking the end of his use of Indian methods for international objectives.[36]

Rawat continued to teach the techniques of Knowledge and affirmed his own status as a master rather than a divine leader. The original religious movement was essentially defunct. Scholars such as Kranenborg and Chryssides describe the departure from divine connotations, and the new emphasis that the Knowledge is universal, rather than Indian.[37][38] Sociologist Hunt claims that Rawat "left his more ascetic life behind and does not personally eschew material possessions. Over time, critics have focused on what appears to be his opulent lifestyle and argue that it is supported largely by the donations of his followers. His tens of thousands of followers in the West see themselves as adherents to a system of teachings that extol the goal of enjoying life to the full."[39]


  1. ^ Lans, Jan van der and Frans Derks, Premies Versus Sannyasins in "Update: A Quarterly Journal on New Religious Movements", X/2 (June 1986)[1] "DLM and Rajneeshism are comparable in that in both, the Indian guru is the central object of devotion. While in the Christian tradition the spiritual master is only an intermediate between the individual and God, standing outside their personal relation, in both these new religious movements the devotee's relation with the guru is considered identical to his relation with God. The guru is accepted as the manifestation and personification of God. His request for total surrender and complete trust is grounded in his claim of ultimate authority derived from his godliness.'"
  2. ^ Melton, J. Gordon The Encyclopedia Handbook of Cults in America. p. 143, Garland Publishing (1986) ISBN 0-8240-9036-5 "In any case Hans Maharaj Ji claimed a Sant Mat succession which he passed to Maharaj Ji. Maharaj Ji, as do many of the other Sant Mat leaders, claims to be a Perfect Master, an embodiment of God on earth, a fitting object of worship and veneration."
  3. ^ a b c d DuPertuis, L. (1986): How people recognize charisma: the case of darshan in Radhasoami and Divine Light Mission. Sociological Analysis, 47, Page 111-124. University of Guam
    Charisma in Sant Mat / Radhasoami / DLM tradition can best be understood in terms of darshan for which, according to Bharati, "absolutely no parallel" can be found "in any religious act in the West . . . " (1970:161, cited in Eck, 1981:5). Darshan means "sight" - of the deity or the guru who embodies him/her, usually for the purpose of imbibing his/her divine powers or grace (Babb, 1981; Eck:1981). It implies sight on a rich multiplicity of symbolic and spiritual levels which demonstrate a complex mix of doctrinal and mythic, perceptual and visionary, interactional and experiential dimensions in the relationship between a charismatic spiritual leader and his or her followers.
  4. ^ a b Downton, Sacred Journeys. "During 1971, there were social forces encouraging the development of millenarian beliefs within the Mission. They were developed in part by the carryover of millennial thinking from the counterculture; by the psychological trappings of surrender and idealization; by the guru's mother, whose satsang was full of references to his divine nature; and partly by the guru, himself, for letting others cast him in the role of the Lord. Given the social pressures within the premie community which reinforced these beliefs, there was little hope premies would be able to relax the hold that their beliefs and concepts had over them. ... From the beginning, Guru Maharaj Ji appealed to premies to give up their beliefs and concepts so that they might experience the Knowledge, or life force, more fully. This, as I have said, is one of the chief goals of gurus, to transform their followers' perceptions of the world through deconditioning. Yet Guru Maharaj Ji's emphasis on giving up beliefs and concepts did not prevent premies from adopting a fairly rigid set of ideas about his divinity and the coming of a new age."
  5. ^ Reporter at Montrose, Colorado, 25 July, 1972: "I was told that probably the best question to ask you, out of sincerity, is: 'Who are you?' Maharaj Ji: "... really I can't say who I am. But, though, there is a very basic thing, what I feel about myself. And that is that people have been claiming me as God or as Jesus or so on, and, ah, many television people have been asking this question, and this is an interesting question of course. I thought maybe you will be interested in the answer. I am not Jesus and I am not God or so on, but I am just a humble servant of God, and I am preaching this Knowledge, and its ideal of humanity. I don't want to form a small sect or a religion. It's an open thing to all. It's for all casts, all creeds, all colors. And man is human, and it's OK he can receive it. And it's something that is internal, something that does not interfere with any religion. And this is the highest thing that I am teaching, about the people of this time, today. I don't claim myself to be God. I don't claim myself to be something like that, but I can claim I can show you God."
  6. ^ a b Collier, Sophia, Soul Rush: The Odyssey of a Young Woman of the '70s Morrow, 1978. "There are those who sincerely believe that Guru Maharaj Ji is the Lord of Creation here in the flesh to save the world. And then there are those who know him a little better than that. They relate to him in a more human way ... to them he is more of a teacher, a guide, a co-conspirator in their personal pursuit of a more heavenly way of life. Guru Maharaji, though he has never made a definitive statement on his own opinion of his own divinity, generally encourages whatever view is held by the people he is with. Addressing several hundred thousand ecstatic Indian devotees, prepared for his message by a four-thousand-year cultural tradition, he declares, 'I am the source of peace in this world ... surrender the reins of your life unto me and I will give you salvation.' On national television in the United States he says sheepishly, with his hands folded in his lap, 'I am just a humble servant of God."
  7. ^ Cagan, Peace is Possible: The Life and Message of Prem Rawat. Mighty River Press, ISBN 0-9788694-9-4 pp. 200, 197. "In Denver in April 1974, Maharaji applied to become an emancipated minor, because he and Marolyn were now engaged and he knew his mother would not condone his marriage at sixteen (or any other age, considering the American wife he'd chosen). With his emancipation, he could obtain a legal marriage licence without his mother's signature. After spending about forty five minutes with a judge, he was granted his request."
  8. ^ Pilarzyk, Thomas Ibid.
    "His mother claimed that Maharaj Ji, 'under the instigation of certain bad elements in the United States Divine Light Mission, has continuously disrespected my will by adopting a despicable, non-spiritual way of life.'"
  9. ^ Civil Proceedings: C. L. Tandon v. Prem Pal Singh Rawat, AIR 1978 Delhi 221
    "... the removal of Prem Pal Singh Rawat by Mataji and the nomination in his place of Satya Pal Singh Rawat ..."
  10. ^ Manavdharam|http://www.manavdharam.org/ssjm/1_brief_into.html
  11. ^ "Guru Maharaj Ji," Biography Resource Center, Thomson Gale, 2007 "The marriage further disrupted his relationship with his mother and older brothers. A lawsuit in India gave control of the Indian branch of the Divine Light Mission to Maharaj's mother and led to a complete break with her son, who maintained the complete support of the Western disciples."
  12. ^ Price, The Divine Light Mission as a Social Organization. pp. 279–96 "Immediately following Maharaj Ji's marriage a struggle for power took place within the Holy Family itself. Maharaj Ji was now sixteen years old. He had the knowledge that his personal following in the West was well established. It is likely that he felt the time had come to take the reins of power from his mother, who still dominated the mission and had a strong hold over most of the mahatmas, all of whom were born and brought up in India. Another factor may well have been the financial independence of Maharaj Ji, which he enjoys through the generosity of his devotees. Note 27: Contributions from premies throughout the world allow Maharaj Ji to follow the life style of an American millionaire. He has a house (in his wife's name), an Aston Martin, a boat, a helicopter, the use of fine houses (divine residences) in most European countries as well as South America, Australia and New Zealand, and an income which allows him to run a household and support his wife and children, his brother, Raja Ji, and his wife, Claudia. In addition, his entourage of family, close officials and mahatmas are all financed on their frequent trips around the globe to attend the mission's festivals."
  13. ^ a b Downton, Sacred Journeys. "The end of 1973 saw Guru Maharaj Ji breaking away from his mother and his Indian past. He declared himself the sole source of spiritual authority in the Mission. And, unlike some gurus who have come to this country and have easternized their followers, he became more fully westernized, which premies interpreted as an attempt to integrate his spiritual teachings into our culture."
  14. ^ Pilarzyk, Thomas Ibid.
    "While Guru Maharaj Ji began to participate in the development of the movement's publications, most major organisational decisions were still made by the premies at the Denver headquarters in conjunction with the guru's older family members.
  15. ^ a b Downton, Sacred Journeys. "The end of 1973 saw Guru Maharaj Ji breaking away from his mother and his Indian past. He declared himself the sole source of spiritual authority in the Mission. And, unlike some gurus who have come to this country and have easternised their followers, he became more fully westernised, which premies interpreted as an attempt to integrate his spiritual teachings into our culture."
  16. ^ Hunt, Stephen J. Alternative Religions: A Sociological Introduction (2003), pp. 116–7, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-3410-8 "Maharaji transformed his initial teachings in order to appeal to a Western context. He came to recognise that the Indian influences on his followers in the West were a hindrance to the wider acceptance of his teachings. He therefore changed the style of his message and relinquished the Hindu tradition, beliefs, and most of its original eastern religious practices."
  17. ^ Derks, Frans, and Jan M. van der Lans Ibid.
  18. ^ van der Lans, Derks
  19. ^ Derks, Frans, and Jan M. van der Lans. Ibid.
    One of the characteristics of these new members is that they had been very religious in their preadolescent years. In those years their religiosity had been characterised by the experiential dimension; they had felt a warm personal relation with Jesus. But this religiosity had disappeared, partially because they had been taught by their religion teachers at secondary school to think in a rational way about religious matters. They lost their capacity for religious experiences, and as a result, the Christian religion lost its plausibility for them. In Divine Light Mission they recognised, during "Satsang,” the religious experiences they had had during their childhood. They came to see Guru Maharaj Ji and their relationship with him as a source of continuous religious experience. This made Guru Maharaj Ji much more important for them than he had been for the pre-1975 members.
  20. ^ Price, Maeve Ibid.
    "At the conference in Frankfurt in November 1976, Maharaj Ji had announced that the International Headquarters were dissolved and that henceforth he would guide the mission, with his brother, Raja Ji, as his ambassador. In fact what had occurred was the removal from power of his closest adviser [Mishler], who had been the International President since the headquarters were set up in the United States. It is apparent that Maharaj Ji resented the advice given to him by his chief subordinate and dismissed him when a clash of wills occurred. The dismantling of the International Headquarters did not in fact take place, although staff numbers were greatly reduced, at the national level as well, and officials are very cautious now, afraid to take initiative while they try to guess what it is their Guru really intends."
  21. ^ Downton, Sacred Journeys. "The guru had inspired greater autonomy by saying in January 1976: 'Don't expect that all these premies who are in the ashram right now are going to stay in the ashram. I hope they don't.' This comment had the effect of producing a widespread exodus from the ashrams that year, which gave rise to an individualistic attitude ... Changes in terminology were made in an attempt to divorce the Mission from its Indian trappings. 'Festivals' became 'regional conferences.' 'Holy Company,' a term used to describe the state of being in the presence of other premies, fell from use, as did the customary Indian greeting."
  22. ^ a b Downton, James V., Sacred Journeys: The Conversion of Young Americans to Divine Light Mission, (1979) Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-04198-5 p199
    "Although there were still residues of belief in his divinity, in 1976, the vast majority [of premies] viewed the guru primarily as their spiritual teacher, guide, and inspiration but his appearance at an event on December 20th, 1976 in Atlantic City, New Jersey, wearing a Krishna costume for the first time since 1975, signaled a resurgence of devotion and Indian influence. Rawat was elevated to a much greater place in the practice of Knowledge, many people returned to ashram life and there was a shift back from secular tendencies towards ritual and messianic beliefs and practices.
  23. ^ a b Downton, Sacred Journeys. "Signs of rededication both to Guru Maharaj Ji and the inner guru became quite apparent. Most of the premies who left the ashrams in the summer of 1976 began to return in 1977, when more than 600 signed up to enter the ashrams in just a few month's time.
  24. ^ Price,M. Ibid.
    At the same time the stress on the community premie, which had led to what was now viewed as excessive democratisation, which was strongly repudiated by Maharaj Ji at Frankfurt, has now been controlled by the simple device of blocking public communication channels upwards to the head office. For more than twelve months now, the national publication which carried letters from premies, often extremely critical of other premies and the head office, (but never of Maharaj Ji), has not been printed. Instead premies receive an exclusive diet of full transcripts of Maharaj Ji's satsang at various festivals across the world. Maharaj Ji made it known that he disliked his satsang to be edited and only extracts of it published. At present then, premies have neither a public platform for discussing the mission's policies nor a vehicle for receiving an interpreted policy via the mission's officials. Such a situation, though increasing Maharaj Ji's control over the movement, does so at the cost of expansion and middle-management confidence.
  25. ^ Downton, James V., Sacred Journeys: The Conversion of Young Americans to Divine Light Mission (1979), Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-04198-5. p. 211. "To the surprise of everyone who had come to the Atlantic City program at the close of 1976, Guru Maharaj Ji appeared in his Krishna costume, a majestic looking robe and crown he had not worn since 1975. The sight of him in his ceremonial best brought premies to their feet singing, as nostalgia for the early days caught them up in feelings of devotion once more. ... With so many premies coming out in support of devotion, there has been a shift away from secular tendencies back to ritual and messianic beliefs and practices ... elevating the guru to a much greater place in their practice of the Knowledge.
  26. ^ Cagan, A. Peace is Possible: The Life and Message of Prem Rawat. Mighty River Press. ISBN 0-9788694-9-4, p. 228
  27. ^ Björkqvist, K Ibid.
    During the latter half of the 70's, the movement clearly returned towards greater world-rejection, although perhaps not reaching the same level as in 1971-73. The millenarian ideology had lost its credibility owing to a slowdown in the expansion rate, and the millenarian jargon gradually disappeared completely. Emphasis was placed on devotion to the guru, ashram life was again encouraged, and satsang meetings were arranged every evening.
  28. ^ Downton, James V., Ibid.
    "Signs of rededication both to Guru Maharaj Ji and the inner guru became quite apparent. Most of the premies who left the ashrams in the summer of 1976 began to return in 1977, when more than 600 signed up to enter the ashrams in just a few month's time.
  29. ^ Downton, James V. Sacred journeys: The conversion of young Americans to Divine Light Mission, p. 5. Columbia University Press (1979). ISBN 0231041985.
  30. ^ Brown, Chip, Parents Versus Cult: Frustration, Kidnapping, Tears; Who Became Kidnappers to Rescue Daughter From Her Guru, The Washington Post, February 15, 1982
  31. ^ Lewis, James R. The Encyclopedia of Cults, Sects, and New Religions, p. 210. Prometheus Books (2001). ISBN 1573928887.
  32. ^ Melton, J. Gordon. Encyclopedia Handbook of Cults in America. Pg 143. Garland Publishing (1986). ISBN 0824090365.
  33. ^ "Guru Maharaj Ji becomes a citizen of the U.S." Rocky Mountain News, Wednesday, October 19, 1977, Denver, Colorado, U.S.A.
  34. ^ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Hunt2003
  35. ^ Melton, J. Gordon. Encyclopedia of American Religions. Maharaji had made every attempt to abandon the traditional Indian religious trappings in which the techniques originated and to make his presentation acceptable to all the various cultural settings in which followers live. He sees his teachings as independent of culture, religion, beliefs, or lifestyles.
  36. ^ Miller, America's Alternative Religions, p. 474
  37. ^ Kranenborg, Reender. Neohindoeïstische bewegingen in Nederland: een encyclopedisch overzicht, p. 178
    "Zij [Mata Ji, Prem Rawats moeder] onterfde hem spiritueel, in feite werd hij de beweging uitgezet. Maharaji ging zelfstandig verder, zij het met minder pretenties dan voorheen. Zo sprak hij sindsdien niet meer in goddelijke termen over zichzelf, maar noemde zich 'humanitarian leader'" (translation: "She [Rawat's mother, Mata ji] disinherited him spiritually. In fact, he was expelled from the movement. Maharaji continued on independently, albeit with less pretensions than in the past, no longer speaking in divine terms about himself, but calling himself instead a 'humanitarian leader'.")
  38. ^ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Chryssides
  39. ^ Hunt, Alternative Religions: A Sociological Introduction, p. 117.