History of the Kurdistan Workers Party

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The history of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) covers the life of the party, which extends more than three decades. Unlike many other organizations from the 1970s the PKK has been able to evolve and adapt—the core reason for its survival. It has gradually grown from a handful of political students to a radical political organisation with massive influence.

Contents 1 Origins 2 Apocular(Apoists) (1974-1978) 3 Urban War (1978-1980) 4 Syria (1980-1984) 5 Paramilitary I (1984-1992) 6 Paramilitary II (1993-1995) 6.1 Vacuum of power 7 Paramilitary III (1996–1999) 7.1 Suicide bombings 7.2 The undeclared war 7.3 Capture of Öcalan (1999) 8 2000– 9 Footnotes

[edit] Origins

Main article: Left-right clashes (Republic of Turkey)

Besides the main conditions as explained in the Left-right clashes (Republic of Turkey) Syria instead of having a confrontation for the Hatay and water disputes, was supporting militant activities in Turkey. Proxy wars of the Cold War and Syria-Turkey conflict, gave their initial resources to the PKK. The developments in the state to counteract PKK's movements are an important part of this history. As explained in the Left-right clashes (Republic of Turkey), the problems in the states functioning under terrorism was the initial point, and it seems, will be the determining factor in the solution of the "PKK". PKK's ideological (Apocular period) and initial activities (urban war period) were shaped within the Left-right clashes (Republic of Turkey). Ocalan used Dev-Genç relationships during the Syria period, both for developing training camps and recruiting militants.

[edit] Apocular(Apoists) (1974-1978)

The core (backbone) of the organization was formed in Ankara by members of the "Ankara Democratic Association of Higher Education (ADYÖD)." Abdullah Öcalan and his supporters were generally known as APOCUS, in Turkish "Apocular". Initially, Apocular consisted of 16 members, led by political science student Öcalan. Abdullah Öcalan, Kesire Yildirim (Öcalan), Haki Karer, Cemil Bayik, Kemal Pir were outstanding members. Today, there are only a few still living or following the cause, a result of a combination of factors, including disputes internal to the PKK.

Haki Karer was sent to Gaziantep to develop bases. On May 18, 1977, he was involved in a political discussion with another left Kurdish faction called “Sterka Sor” (Red Star) in a coffeeshop, which ended with his life. This was the first Kurdish resistance against APOcular. From that moment APOcular become more careful, strict and violent.

Although originally based in Ankara, Öcalan decided that there was a better base of support to be found among Kurds in south-east Turkey, many of whom longed for an independent homeland. Öcalan recognized that by using the tribal system in the region, he can organize and build a secure base to perform activities. He focused on tribes that are not historically coexisting peacefully with the government. Thus, Öcalan focused much of his attention from 1976-78 to building a PKK structure in that region. It was a secret organization, which was decifered in 1977 by Turkish Intelligence.

APOCUS became Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) on October 27, 1978, with the official release of the "Proclamation of Independence of PKK". The document stated a primary objective of fostering a communist revolution in Turkey. Much of the ideological shift by the group during this period is detailed in the proclamation. See also:The full list of signatories to the Proclamation of Independence of PKK

[edit] Urban War (1978-1980)

Starting in 1978, the PKK attacked groups that they perceived as "fascist", and Turkey found itself torn between right- and left-wing armed conflicts. PKK focused its violence primarily against perceived state collaborators, and Kurdish tribes that had historically coexisted peacefully with the government.

In making a name, PKK concentrated on fighting with the landlords in Hilvan and Siverek. In 1979 Mehmet Celal Bucak was condemned for "exploiting the peasants," and "collaborating". PKK attempted to assassinate him, but failed. This was the first known activity by the PKK. The first response of the government to stop this fight was performed on 28 November 1979, through the newspapers; 242 members of a secret organization called APOCular (not using the name PKK) were captured at Hilvan and Siverek residences. From 1979 to 1991, this fight resulted in 140 deaths of Kurds living through the Bucak tribe.

All through this time, Öcalan eluded capture and remained in control. He fled the country in 1979. Even before the coup, Öcalan knew that he had to restructure PKK to continue its activities.

Groups that PKK fought with included the Revolutionary Unity of the People, the Liberation of the People, the Revolutionary Democratic Cultural Association, and National Liberation of Kurdistan.

In two years, the country turned into a battleground. From 1978 to 1982, the Turkish National Security Council recorded approximately 43,000 incidents it described as terrorism. With the 1980 assassination of an ex-prime minister, the discovery of gun depots, cities that gained freedom from opposing groups (a sign of government loss of control) and having no president (head of government) as parliament was unable to gather to select one, and most importantly with the Iraq-Iran War in progress on the site there was a 1980 Turkish military coup.

[edit] Syria (1980-1984)

By the early 80s, the number of deaths attributed to the PKK was approximately 240.^{[citation needed]} The military tribunals of the 1980 coup which tried 7,000 people revealed a recorded 5,241 dead and 14,152 wounded from 1979 to 1980.^{[citation needed]} The PKK made up 21% of the total 5,241 criminal caseload.^{[citation needed]} Of these 5,421 criminal based cases court assigned 517 death sentences of which only 50 (including 17 left wing, 7 right wing, 1 international) of these sentences were carried out.

Following imprisonment, the captured PKK members set up an elaborate resistance organisation that would operate even behind bars. This organisation became famous for their hunger strikes. They also smuggled in guns and communication equipment into prison. Recruitment and training became commonplace for imprisoned PKK members.

In 1979, Öcalan moved to Bekaa valley, he had chance to develop his connection from where dev-genç left. His initial accommodations were covered through already established ASALA structure and Fatah camps, in part of ex-Syrian-controlled Lebanon.^{[citation needed]} After the coup remaining PKK members, and Turkish left-wing militants fled to the training camps in Bekaa valley which allowed Öcalan to consolidate resources and build up a power base. The PKK's second congress, from August 20-August 25, 1982 was held in Lebanon's Ain al-Hilweh region. This marked the beginning of the second stage of PKK's efforts to establish control of southeastern Turkey.

• PKK and ASALA held a press conference common on April 8, 1980 to Sidon
• Strasbourg, 9th November, 1980, ASALA + PKK
• Rome, 19th November, 1980, ASALA + PKK

After July 1983, ASALA disappeared in the same Lebanese valley. Militant structure (skills and methods) of both ASALA and PKK were alleged to have been the brainchild of a Soviet Armenian KGB officer Karen Brutents. Since pro-Soviet Armenians had participated in the founding of an anti-Turkish Kurdish party already in 1927, the theories, arguments, propaganda methods and activity structures were time tested^[1].

On the December 15, 1984 left-oriented groups in Turkey signed a protocol to work together (PKK, Workers Party of Turkey, Communist Labour Party of Turkey, Communist Party of Turkey, Socialist Party of Turkish Kurdistan and Socialist Workers Party of Turkey).

[edit] Paramilitary I (1984-1992)

1984 marked the beginning of sustained paramilitary action by the PKK, attacking government mainly personnel and infrastructure associated with Southeastern Anatolia Project, as well as civilian targets. As a means to this end, the Kurdish National Liberation Front (ERNK) was formed in 1985. Eventually, military operations were handed over from the ERNK to the Kurdistan Popular Liberation Army (ARGK). The ERNK remained, but largely as a front for the ARGK.

The organisation reached an all-time highest operational activity during the Gulf War when Turkey opened its Iraqi border. This allowed Kurdish and Iraqi refugees, including PKK members, to enter Turkey.

The Turkish government decided to take action against the PKK, launching major operations at the end of 1992

From 1986 to 1987, Turkish Air Force raided PKK camps in northern Iraq with the approval of the then-Iraqi government under president Saddam Hussein.

• In 1988, Tehran gave permission to open PKK camps close to Iran's border.
• Turkey Supported US-led coalition formed Iraqi no-fly zones during the Gulf War. This generated a control vacuum which was used by PKK.
  

  

  No-fly zone detail
• Iraq assisted the PKK terror organization which aspired to obtain Kurd autonomy in Turkey. The aid was meant to serve as a retaliation against Turkey due to its anti-Iraq policy. Operation Provide Comfort used Incirlik air base in Turkey to create an autonomous area for Iraq Kurds.
• On October 4, 1992, the Kurdish government in Erbil announed that "PKK should either withdraw from the border bases or be expelled."

[edit] Paramilitary II (1993-1995)

Turkey recognized that it is impossible to protect anything under the insurgent attacks. It was impossible to eliminate the PKK as a fighting force as long as it can retreat to Syria, Iraq and Iran. The border with Iraq was the worst. There is an authority that Turkey can communicate with Syria and Iran, but Gulf War left North Iraq with what Turkey has called a "vacuum of control".

• With the increase of Turkey's activities to cope with PKK, 10 percent of income was spent on fighting against the PKK. One year the military spent $8,000,000,000 in operational expenses, and PKK's activity was not curbed.

• Iran did not want to have a region that can be easily influenced by US-led coalition. Iran's response to these activities was also shaped by supporting PKK. Heat-seeking S-7 missiles were given by Iran to prevent Turkish operations in Iraq, and these would be effectively used against Turkey in the next period (1997). Beginning in 1993, PKK members launched attacks from Iranian soil.

Later in 1993, the PKK launched coordinated attacks involving firebombs and vandalism on Turkish diplomatic and commercial offices in six West European countries.

In order to adapt to the end of the Soviet System (1991) and gain Iran's support the PKK amended or abandoned its communist secular ideology to better accommodate and accept Islamic beliefs.

On March 17, 1993, in Lebanon Öcalan announced a cease-fire from March 20 to April 15 to Talabani . He declared that the PKK did not intend "to separate immediately from Turkey."

On March 19, 1993, PKK put an end to the long-standing PKK vendetta against the other Kurdish parties through an agreement with the Kurdistan Socialist Party.

• During this period, PKK was effectively working in a wide range of countries (not limited to Greece, Cyprus, Syria, Russia) and able to effect policies.
• the PKK moved its military camps to Northern Iraq. Syria had only ideological training, intelligence, health and recreation installations.
• In a turning point in the organizations structure, during 1995 30% of the captured or killed PKK members were Syrian nationals of Armenian origin or other Syrians.

[edit] Vacuum of power

Beginning in 1988 with 36,000 Kurdish refugees located in Diyarbakir after the Halabja incident, Iraq began to spread out its problems within the borders of Turkey. After 1991, the problem was not just PKK insurgency. It was a humanitarian problem that can turn into a regional war. The "vacuum of power in North Iraq" refers to a security concept related to creation of a "safe haven" (ref Turgut Özal) in North Iraq. The goal has been stated as stabilization of the conditions (economically, socially, and culturally) of Kurds under "Unified Iraq", which Turkey can have positive and constructive relations to all ethnic and religious groups. The sentiments of Turkey's Kurds were apparent during the "1 March" incident, in which Kurdish origin representatives prevented Turkey's participation. Undeniably, Turkey with its Kurdish population is sensitive to the short term and long term problems of Iraqi Kurds.

Turkey decided to mark the Iraq-Turkey border and eliminate the free movement of PKK in this region. On the Turkish side of the border 3000 residential units (378,335 villagers) from the mountains were displaced; this covered ten southeastern provinces. The Commission on Internal Migration was formed on June 3, 1997 to study the controversial loss of residential units. Thermal cameras were located on the border.

To stop the insurgency, Suleyman Demirel (May 1995) proposed moving the border:

Suleyman Demirel (PM): "The border on those heights is wrong. Actually, that is the boundary of the oil region. Turkey begins where that boundary ends. Geologists drew that line. It is not Turkey's national border. That is a matter that has to be rectified. I said some time ago that "the area will be infiltrated when we withdraw [from northern Iraq]." . . . The terrorists will return. We will be confronted with a similar situation in two or three months. So, let us correct the border line. Turkey cannot readjust its border with Iraq by itself. The border line on the heights has to be brought down to the lower areas. I only want to point out that the border line is wrong. Had it been in the low areas at the foot of the mountains, the [PKK] militants would not have been able to assemble in that region. {Middle East Quarterly, September 1995}

This proposal was rejected by Iran and Arab countries, as also by Iraq.

While marking the Turkey-Iraq border, Turkey was seeking a way to eliminate the vacuum created within the north Iraq no-fly zone. International discussions were going on about a new state in North Iraq, based on the concept of Iraq Federation. UN channelled money to Iraq Federation. With inclusion of the solution for elimination of the PKK's ability to use North Iraq, Turkey joined the US-led coalition to bring truce among the Iraqi Kurds. Two sets of negotiations were tried. US-brokered Drogheda talks on August 9-11, 1995 appeared to be leading to a settlement of the KDP-PUK fight as well as to security guarantees in the form of the KDP controlling the Turkish border. Even before the official negotiations began, Turkey performed Operation Steel. Some 35,000 Turkish troops moved into northern Iraq attempting to clean out PKK strongholds during the period March 20-May 2, 1995. This activity was aimed at giving the conditions of Drogheda talks a chance by eliminating the PKK's infrastructure from the region.

Operation Steel gave the chance of Iraqi Kurds building their own control system, and prevent the PKK extending its infrastructure again. Drogheda negotiations were killed because of the regional effects on Syria and Iran. To derail this unification, just after the Drogheda Talks II September 12, 1995, PKK launched attacks (September 25, 1995) against the KDP. PKK was saying it can not be ignored. Another significant movement of Öcalan that year was described by his intention to form a "National United Front." National United Front summarized its political objective as a "total national democratic liberation war against the escalating total warfare." By establishing some type of government-in-exile or Kurdish federation, PKK was responding to a US-led coalition which was trying to unite Iraqi Kurds.

A second set of negotiations were performed during October 1996 which was called Ankara Peace Process; this led to nothing.

Some of the heaviest fighting of the entire KDP-PUK civil war ensued starting October 13, 1997. Hundreds were killed and thousands displaced. PUK used six GRAD missiles in Suleymaniye. The International community had to do something under these conditions. There were no negotiations to bring a truce. Same missiles were used against villages in Turkey. From Turkey's perspective PUK was trying to push PKK out of North Iraq and KDP was getting support from PKK which was supported by Syria, Iran and Saddam. Turkey intervened on the side of PUK and warned the Talaban not to cooperate with PKK.

• In October 1997, A German guerrilla fighter (Eva Juhnke) from the armed wing was captured during a military operation by KDP forces in Nort Iraq.
• In March 1997, North Iraq military activity costs $300 million

At the end of this period Turkish military gained enough operational structure in the region to monitor PKK movements, but not control or stop them.

Saddam's response to negotiations was shaped by increasingly assisting the PKK.

((needs verification)) Nearly 2000 PKK militants were killed, with a further 132 being captured. This contrasted with 113 fatalities and 325 injured among the Turkish forces.

((needs verification)) During 1997, the Turkish Army put out of action 3,302 PKK operatives, of whom 484 were captured, 415 surrendered, and 303 arrested, in various operations including those in northern Iraq. During the same period, security forces lost 192 soldiers and 95 others were wounded; in addition, 49 village guards were killed and 14 wounded.

[edit] Paramilitary III (1996–1999)

• The organisation abandoned its previous strategy of attacking Kurdish civilians, focusing instead on governmental and tourist targets.
• PKK orders a hunger strike on May 27, 1996. In July , 314 prisoners in 43 prisons in 38 provinces were on fasting to the death and over 2,070 were on hunger strike. At the end of 1996, the PKK leader Öcalan signed a protocol of cooperation with the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C).

[edit] Suicide bombings

An interesting development of this period was that PKK began usingsuicide bombings as a weapon. PKK targets were carefully selected, but they did not take care over collateral damage. Turkey questioned how PKK managed to persuade women to engage in eleven out of a total of fifteen attacks when their religion forbade sthe women's suicide. Professor Dogu Ergil pointed out the women attackers ranged in age from 17 to 27, and came from traditional Kurdish families. The PKK at that time was using the argument that the Turkish government is a colonial regime, and that PKK's struggle was in the name of liberation, which is comparable to jihad. There were suicide attacks in Turkey on November 17, 1998, December 1, 1998, December 24, 1998, April 9, 1999 and June 7, 1999.

[edit] The undeclared war

The undeclared war was the response of Turkey to Syria. In its messages about the undeclared war, Turkey claimed that it is ready to perform any activity to destroy the PKK's operational bases. It ended with the capture of Öcalan and the repositioning of Turkey in relation to the Arab League by taking a new position facing Syria and Iran.

One of the first contacts with Syria about the PKK was in 1987. Turgut Özal personally conducted the negotiations. At the end, there was a protocol which however showed the differences between the countries. Syria did not even admit Öcalan was in Syria.

After the Gulf War, in April 1992, a security agreement was reached between the two states. Both countries agreed on preventing crossing, organization, training or distributing propaganda of outlawed organizations in respective countries. If an agent is captured, he will be exchanged. Marking the border between Turkey and Syria was considered. Every three months security officials were to meet and exchange information on both sides. From international policy perspective, this was the first time Syria accepted that the PKK was a terrorist organization. The public reaction came on November 19–20, 1993, when the Syrian state minister stated that "Öcalan and other terrorists would not be allowed." But besides these exchanges, Syria did not significantly change its attitude toward PKK.

The next development was on August 23, 1994, when Syria officially linked the water issue to the PKK in the summit between Turkey, Syria and Iran. During this summit another interesting development was the Hatay issue, which was brought to table. While the summit was going at Damascus, the PKK was building its structure in Hatay; in July 1995, it performed its first activity there, later using this province as a base to extend its activities to Adana and Mersin; the PKK was extending to the East Mediterranean. This region was one of the centers of immigration from the southeast, and also is a temporary summer work area for the southeast region. For Turkey the region was sensitive, not because of the Kurds, but because of the Arab population. Beginning late 1995, Syrian backing of PKK operations at Hatay was perceived by Turkish governments as an active hostile threat from Syria more than the PKK. The PKK's Hatay operations ended with the undeclared war with Syria.

On September 30, 1995 Damascus opened contacts with high ranking German CDU MP Heinrich Lummer and intelligence officials in Damascus. The CDU demanded PKK end its activities and drug trafficking in Germany. The PKK demanded that it should be recognized as a legitimate entity and not as a terrorist organization. The PKK had been banned in Germany in 1993. If the PKK's demand had passed, it would be a big step for Damascus, not just for the water issues and Hatay demands, but also because a Western country was negotiating with a banned organization. How could the West pressure Syria over terrorism? It would be a big blow to Turkey as the inability to stop terrorism in the country could end with balkanization of the region.

After the Turkish government's decision on the undeclared war with Syria, the military received orders to develop military operational plans, including the worst scenario (regional war: Turkey against Syria, Iran and maybe Greece (1995 military agreement on airbases) and Russia). To counteract a regional war, military agreements with Israel were signed on February 24 and August 26, 1996. These agreements followed with intelligence cooperation in February 1997. Two diplomatic notes were issued during 1996. The first note was for a truck originating in Iran and carrying military equipment to the PKK in Syria. The second one was regarding Syria being a state sponsor of the PKK. Turkey delinked the two issues of water and the PKK. On December 30 1996, MIT smuggled Mustafa Duyur out of Syria. Duyur was a DHKP-C agent who was involved with the Özdemir Sabancı murder. Turkey froze trelations as Damascus was harboring PKK and DHKP-C.

Syria expelled Öcalan.

[edit] Capture of Öcalan (1999)

After Syria deported PKK guerrilla leader Öcalan, he passed through various European countries which caused diplomatic crises with Turkey, who sought his extradition on terrorism charges, including involvement in murdering Turkish civilians, troops and police.

His first short stop was at a Greek airport. This was supposed to be a stop on the way to Stockholm. Instead of Stockholm he was transferred to Russia. Russia did not grant him sanctuary. On November 14, 1999, Öcalan arrived in Rome, Italy accompanied by Ramon Mantovani, a member of the Communist Refoundation Party, from Moscow. His arrival was a surprise to the Italian government, which had not been notified, and an international crisis began as Turkey requested Öcalan's extradition.

There were mass rallies in Rome by Kurds, and a wave of sympathy for a people that many did not know of. The Italian government of Massimo D'Alema was not yet able to take a clear stance on whether to satisfy the extradition request. Italian government tried to negotiate a deal with other EU states and try to deal with Interpol's arrest demand. Finally, Öcalan was allowed to leave the country, without revealing his destination, thereby releasing the Italian government from an embarrassing situation.

He was apparently sent to St. Petersburg, Russia, then Athens, Greece. The Greek government moved him to Korfu for a while, then to the Greek Embassy in Kenya. In 1999 Turkish agents abducted Öcalan while he was being transferred by the Greek Embassy in Kenya. There have been accusations that Öcalan's capture was a joint operation between the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Turkish National Intelligence Agency (MIT), and Israeli Institute for Intelligence and Special Tasks agency (Mossad).

• In August 1999, after his capture Öcalan announced his second peace initiative, ordering members to refrain from violence and requesting dialogue with the government of Turkey on all issues. However, in no time, multiple riots broke out throughout the world near Turkish diplomatic facilities(UK Riot police at London demo and Kurdish protests turn deadly).

[edit] 2000–

In 2002, the PKK terminated itself. The same organisational group formed a new party with the name of Kürdistan Demokratik ve Özgürlük Kongresi (KADEK). Turkey claimed at the time that KADEK and PKK were identical. Later nations updated their status towards KADEK to be identical to their status towards PKK.

• From 11 November 2003 to 4 April 2005, the organisation changed its name and operated under the banner of KGK (KONGRA-GEL). In 2004, the armed wing of PKK, HPG (People's Forces of Defence) announced an end to the unilateral truce they had sustained since the time of Öcalan's capture.
• On 2 April 2004, The Council of the European Union (the 15 EU governments) decided to update the European Union list of terrorist organisations to include Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) (aka. KADEK), later amended to include KDK (KONGRA-GEL). This applied to all and any members joining the EU.
• From April 2, 2002 to November 11, 2003, the same day as the European Union updated its list of terrorists, the organisation changed its name and operated under the banner of KADEK (Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Congress).
• Later in 2004, US Treasury \amended its regulations to include all the aliases and offshoots of the PKK in its sanctions list maintained by OFAC (Office of Foreign Assets Control). The list aims at blocking terrorist property. The organisations currently listed under PKK aliases include KADEK (Congress for Freedom and Democracy in Kurdistan), KONGRA-GEL, HSK, KHK and PKK. The organisation also is on the U.S. State Department list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations.
• On April 4, 2005, the organisation changed its name while still operating under the banner of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party)

[edit] Footnotes

• ^  "Antero Leitzinger (2005) The Roots of Islamic Terrorism: How Communists Helped Fundamentalists"