Prussian deportations
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Prussian deportations (or: Prussian expulsions) (in Polish: rugi pruskie). Mass expulsion of Poles (and, to a lesser extent, Jews) from Prussia during 1885-1890, who lived there as economic migrants from the Russian and Austrian parts of divided Poland but hadn't received German citizenship when Prussia formed the German Empire in 1871. This expulsion was carried out in an inhumane way and was based on an ethnic discrimination principle. In Polish tradition, it became one of the symbols of anti-Polish policy of German Empire and its chancellor Otto von Bismarck.
[edit] Background
Agriculture in eastern provinces of Prussia was to a high degree based on large-area manors owned by German landowners (junkers). They needed cheap labour and employed thousands of immigrant Poles from the parts of Poland possessed by Russia and Austria (see: partitions of Poland). Also the growing industrial region of Upper Silesia attracted workers from there. The inflow was accompanied by a parallel outflow of local population, both German and Polish, to more industrialized western areas of Germany (Ostflucht). No anti-German political activity of those immigrants was noted. But this inflow of ethnic Poles into eastern Prussia alarmed nationalist German circles including Otto von Bismarck the chancellor of the German Empire.
[edit] The expulsion order of 1885 and its implementation
On 26 March 1885 the minister of internal affairs of Prussia ordered provinicial authorities to expell abroad all Poles and Jews with Russian citizenship. In July 1885 the expulsion order was extended to include Austrian citizens also. Additionally, the authorities were obliged to watch that in future no "undesirable foreigners" would settle on those territories[1].
The order was executed with full ruthlessness. Those expelled included people who used to consider Prussia as their permanent place of residence (sometimes for many years), who sometimes had done their military service in the Prussian Army, and despite their state of health, including old persons, children and women alike. They all were driven in mass towards the eastern border under blows of gendarmes' rifle butts[2]. Fatal incidents were noted[3] as the expulsion was carried in winter time.
In the initial months nearly 26,000 persons[4] were expelled from eastern provinces of Prussia, mainly workers and craftsmen employed there. The expulsions were continued in subsequent years, so until 1890 the number of expelled persons exceeded 30,000[5][6]. Until 1890 the border of Prussia was closed to immigrants of Polish ethnicity[7].
[edit] Response of public opinion
The expulsion made a strong impression on the public opinion of Poland, Germany and Europe[8]. Even some decided enemies of Poland expressed their reprimend. Eg. Alfred von Waldersee agreed in principle to the necessity of expulsion but stated that "incredible harshness" (Germ.: unglaublische Härte) had been applied in individual cases. Schweinitz, the then German ambassador in Russia, told a reflection: When some day the great chancellor resigns, then many people will feel ashamed and they will mutually reproach themselves with the meanness of their groveling before his mighty will. I am touched at the most by the unwise and to no purpose cruel order of the expulsions[9].
The matter was laid before the parliament of the German Empire. A question was asked by Polish MP's and it was supported by the Centre Party, Social Democratic Party and the progressives. The leader of the Social Democratic Party Wilhelm Liebknecht called the chancellor to withdraw the steps which might cause international complications and bring down repressive measures upon Germans living abroad. Ansfeld, a progressive, put in a resolution that the expulsion was not justified by the national interest, it was contrary to humanitarian reasons and posed a threat to the welfare of Empire's citizens. Ludwig Windthorst of the Centre Party put in a supplementary motion to the same effect. On 16 January 1886 the parliament of the German Empire condemned the expulsion with a great majority of voices[10]. Nevertheless the parliament resolution was neglected by the Prussian government.
A similar question was asked by Polish MP's and the Centre Party in the parliament of Prussia, but the majority of voices to condemn the expulsions was not obtained here, because political forces of anti-Polish orientation were represented much stronger in the Prussian parliament than in the parliament of the German Empire[11].
[edit] Influence on German relations with Russia
Since 1815 good relations existed between Germany and Russia. In the 80s of the 19th century a reactionary and more nationalistic trend in Russian policy occurred. The attitude towards national minorities worsened, but a new tendency was noted - a negative attitude towards Baltic Germans (of then Russian-possessed Latvia and Estonia) who traditionally faithfully served the Russian government. Also a negative attitude of government and some part of public opinion (supporters of Pan-Slavism) occurred towards both Russian-born Germans and German colonists who would arrive to Russia and settle as farmers on Polish lands possessed by Russia.
With that background in mind, the German ambassador in Russia, Schweinitz, advised Bismarck against the expulsions, anticipating they would provoke supporters of Pan-Slavism and entail repressions against German settlers in Russia[12].
In general, the expulsions met with disapproval in the government circles of Russia. Dmitry Tolstoy, a conservatist and the ministry of internal affairs, acknowledged Bismarck's anti-Polish motivation and tried to procure a good reception for the events in Russia, but unofficially gave ambassador Schweinitz to understand that Bismarck had committed a grave mistake as such measures were unnecessary[13]. Also Nikolay Giers, the minister of foreign affairs of Russia, told that Bismarck, by his own conduct, had aggravated already existing hostile feelings towards German colonists in Russia, had set an example to be followed, had spread the seeds of new ethnic antagonisms in future[14]. Bismarck himself expressed to ambassador Schweinitz his disappointment, stating that "the Russians showed less satisfaction because of our expulsions than I had expected"[15].
Soon afterwards, the Russian government imposed legal restrictions on acquisition and lease of land by Germans in Russia, thus limiting the German colonisation movement in the Russian-possessed part of Poland[16].
Thus, contrary to Bismarck's original intentions, the expulsion contributed to the worsening of German-Russian relation, the erosion of traditional cooperation between them, and favoured the processes of the shift in Russia's policy, which finally led to the creation of the Franco-Russian Alliance then transformed into Entente, which felled down the German Empire during World War I in 1918.
[edit] Softening of expulsion policy since 1890
Later on, the need for cheaper labour by German landlords and industry prevailed, thus the policy of Prussian government in this question had to be softened. In 1890 a new order was issued to allow employement of foreigners of Polish ethnicity except in the period between 20 December to 01 February each subsequent years, which measure was intended to force the workers to periodically return abroad, thus preserving their status of season workers and preventing the continuity of their inhabitance in Prussia. Such system of annual winter expulsions was adapted to the needs of landlords, but was harmful to Upper Silesian industry, which used to disobey the order frequently, with silent tolerance of Prussian authorities, or to enforce its temporary suspension. [17] Only unmarried persons were accepted and they ought to have been separated from the local native Polish population[18].
[edit] Further Polish immigration to Prussia until 1914
Since 1905 a semi-government agency, called the "Head Office of Farm Workers" took up the engagement of workers from outside of Germany. Labour contracts gave opportunity for many corrupt practices to the detriment of workers. The immigrant worker was poorly paid, exploited and - in practice - totally unprotected. Nevertheless the influx of candidates was always huge and in the eve of World War I the number of immigrant workers exceeded 500,000 persons, 80% of them from the Russian-possessed part of Poland. Ca 200,000 of them worked in eastern provinces of Prussia. With low living standard and intensive work, a male worker could save ca 100-150 Marks per year, while a female worker ca 50-100 Marks per year[19].
[edit] Place in Polish national tradition
The Prussian deportations take place in Polish tradition as a national symbol of anti-Polish policy of Prussia and German Empire as well as Otto von Bismarck in the time of the divided Poland.
[edit] References
- ^ Historia Polski, Vol. III 1850/1864-1918, Part 2 1850/1864-1900, edited by Polska Akademia Nauk [Polish Academy of Sciences], Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warsaw 1967, p. 684.
- ^ Józef Feldman, Bismarck a Polska, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warsaw 1966, p. 323.
- ^ Historia Polski, op. cit., p. 684.
- ^ Historia Polski, op. cit., p. 684.
- ^ Polska.pl -Skarby Dziedzictwa Narodowego - Katalog Skarbów - Rugi pruskie
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 323.
- ^ Historia Polski, op. cit., p. 684.
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 323
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 323
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 323.
- ^ Polska.pl -Skarby Dziedzictwa Narodowego - Katalog Skarbów - Rugi pruskie
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 327
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 328
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 328
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 328.
- ^ Józef Feldman, op. cit., p. 328.
- ^ Konstanty Grzybowski, Historia państwa i prawa Polski, Vol. IV, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warsaw 1982, p. 533.
- ^ Stefan Kieniewicz, Historia Polski 1795-1918, Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warsaw 1983, p. 373.
- ^ Stefan Kieniewicz, op. cit., p. 373.
[edit] External links
http://dziedzictwo.polska.pl/katalog/index,Rugi_pruskie,cid,4903.htm

