Mohammad Khatami

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Mohammad Khatami
Mohammad Khatami
In office
2 August 1997 – 3 August 2005
Vice President Hassan Habibi (1997 - 2001)
Mohammad Reza Aref (2001 - 2005)
Preceded by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
Succeeded by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
Born September 29, 1943 (1943-09-29) (age 64)
Ardakan, Iran
Political party Association of Combatant Clerics
Religion Twelver Shi'a Islam

Mohammad Khatami (Persian : سید محمد خاتمی Seyyed Moḥammad Khātamī) (born September 29, 1943, in Ardakan, Yazd Province) is an Iranian scholar and politician. He served as the fifth President of Iran from August 2, 1997 to August 2, 2005, and was succeeded by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. He also acted as Iran's Minister of Culture in 1980s and 1990s.

During his presidency, Khatami was an advocate of freedom of expression, tolerance and civil society. His government tried to establish constructive diplomatic relations with other states including EU and Asian governments. His economic policy was mostly a continuation of former policy of free market and attraction of foreign investments.

Contents

[edit] Early life

Khatami received a B.A. in Western philosophy from Isfahan University, but left academia while studying for a Master's degree in Educational Sciences at Tehran University and went to Qom to complete his previous studies in Islamic sciences. He studied there for seven years and completed the courses to the highest level, Ijtihad. After that, he went to Germany to chair the Islamic Centre in Hamburg, where he stayed until the Iranian revolution.

Before serving as president, Khatami had been a representative in the parliament from 1980 to 1982, supervisor of the Kayhan Institute, Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance (1982-1986, and then for a second term from 1989 to May 24, 1992 (when he resigned), the head of the National Library of Iran from 1992 to 1997, and a member of the Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution.

He is also a member and chairman of the Central Council of the Association of Combatant Clerics.

[edit] Presidency

(See also Reforms of Mohammad Khatami). Khatami was elected president on May 23, 1997, and was re-elected on June 8, 2001, for a second term. Khatami won largely due to the female and youth vote, who voted for him because he promised to improve the status of women and respond to the demands of the young generation in Iran.

The day of his election, the 2nd of Khordad, 1376, in the Iranian calendar, is regarded as the starting date of "reforms" in Iran. His followers are therefore usually known as the "2nd of Khordad Movement".

Khatami is regarded as Iran's first reformist president, since the focus of his campaign was on the rule of law, democracy and the inclusion of all Iranians in the political decision-making process. However, his policies of reform led to repeated clashes with the hardline and conservative Islamists in the Iranian government, who control powerful governmental organizations like the Guardian Council, whose members are appointed by the Supreme Leader. Khatami lost most of those clashes, and by the end of his presidency many of his followers had grown disillusioned with him.

As President, according to the Iranian political system, Khatami was outranked by the Supreme Leader, and had no legal authority over many key state institutions such as the armed forces (the police, the army, the revolutionary guards, etc.), the state radio and television, the judiciary, the prisons, etc. (See Politics of Iran).

Khatami presented the so called "twin bills" to the parliament during his term in office, these two pieces of proposed legislation would have introduced small but key changes to the national election laws of Iran and also presented a clear definition of the president's power to prevent constitutional violations by state institutions. Khatami himself described the "twin bills" as the key to the progress of reforms in Iran. The bills were approved by the parliament but were eventually vetoed by the Guardian Council.

[edit] Cabinet

OFFICE NAME TERM
President Mohammad Khatami 1997–2005
First Vice President Hassan Habibi 1997–2001
Mohammad Reza Aref 2001–2005
Foreign Affairs Kamal Kharrazi 1997–2005
Agricultural Issa Kalantari 1997–2000
Mahmoud Hojjati 2000–2005
Commerce Mohammad Shariatmadar 1997–2005
ICT Mohammad Reza Aref 1997–2000
Ahmad Motamedi 2000–2005
Cooperatives Morteza Haaji 1997–2001
Ali Soufi 2001–2005
Culture Attaollah Mohajerani 1997–2000
Ahmad Masjed-Jamei 2000–2005
Defense Ali Shamkhani 1997–2005
Economy Hossein Namazi 1997–2001
Tahmasb Mazaheri 2001–2004
Safdar Hosseini 2004–2005
Education Hossein Mozzafar 1997–2001
Morteza Haaji 2001–2005
Power Habibolah Bitaraf 1997–2005
Health Mohammad Farhadi 1997–2001
Masoud Pezeshkian 2001–2005
HUD Ali Abdolalizadeh 1997–2005
Industrial Gholamreza Shafei 1997–2001
Eshaq Jahangiri 2001–2005
Intelligence Ghorbanali Dorri Najafabadi 1997–1998
Ali Younesi 1998–2005
Interior Abdollah Nouri 1997–1998
Abdolvahed Mousavi Lari 1998–2005
Justice Mohammad Ismaeil Shooshtari 1997–2005
Labour Hossein Kamali 1997–2001
Safdar Hosseini 2001–2004
Nasser Khaleghi 2004–2005
Petroleum Bijan Namdar Zangeneh 1997–2005
Roads Mahmoud Hojatti 1997–2000
Rahman Dadman 2000
Ahmad Khorram 2000–2004
Mohammad Rahmati 2004–2005
Science Mostafa Moeen 1997–2003
Jafar Towfighi 2003–2005
Welfare Mohammad Hossein Sharifzadegan 2004–2005


[edit] Economic policy

Khatami's economic policies followed the previous government's commitment to industrialization. At a macro-economic level, Khatami continued the liberal policies that Rafsanjani had embarked on in the state's first five year economic development plan (1990-1995). On April 10, 2005 Khatami cited economic development, large-scale operations of the private sector in the country's economic arena and the 6-percent economic growth as among the achievements of his government. $5 billion had been allocated to the private sector for promoting the economy, adding that the value of contracts signed in this regard has reached $10 billion.

Conservative critics accused President Khatami of neglecting the economy in favour of politics.[citation needed]. A year into his first term as president of Iran, Khatami acknowledged Iran's economic challenges, stating that the economy was, "chronically ill ... and it will continue to be so unless there is fundamental restructuring".

For much of his first term, Khatami saw through the implementation of Iran’s second five-year development plan. On 15 September 1999, Khatami presented a new five-year plan to the Majlis. Aimed at the period from 2000-2004, the plan called for economic reconstruction in a broader context of social and political development. The specific economic reforms included "an ambitious program to privatize several major industries ... the creation of 750,000 new jobs per year, average annual real GDP growth of 6% over the period, reduction in subsidies for basic commodities ... plus a wide range of fiscal and structural reforms." Unemployment remained a major problem, with Khatami’s five-year plan lagging behind in job creation. Only 300,000 new jobs were created in the first year of the plan, well short of the 750,000 that the plan called for. The 2004 World Bank report on Iran concludes that "after 24 years marked by internal post-revolutionary strife, international isolation, and deep economic volatility, Iran is slowly emerging from a long period of uncertainty and instability."[1]

At the macroeconomic level, real GDP rose from 2.4 percent in 1997 to 5.9 percent in 2000. Unemployment was reduced from 16.2 percent of the labor force to less than 14 percent. The consumer price index fell to less than 13 percent from more than 17 percent. Both public and private investments increased in the energy sector, the building industry, and other sectors of the country's industrial base. The country's external debt was cut from $12.1 billion to $7.9 billion, its lowest level since the Iran-Iraq cease-fire. The World Bank granted $232 million for health and sewage projects after a hiatus of about seven years. The government, for the first time since the 1979 wholesale financial nationalization, authorized the establishment of two private banks and one private insurance company. The OECD lowered the risk factor for doing business in Iran to 4 from 6 (on a scale of 7).[2]

The government's own figures put the number of people under the absolute poverty line in 2001 at 15.5 percent of the total population--down from 18 percent in 1997, and those under relative poverty at 25 percent, thus classifying some 40 percent of the people as poor. Private estimates indicate higher figures.[3]

Among 155 countries in a 2001 world survey, Iran under Khatami was 150th in terms of openness to the global economy. On the United Nation's Human Development scale, Iran ranked 90th out of 162 countries, only slightly better than its previous position at 97 out of 175 countries four years earlier.[4] The overall risk of doing business in Iran improved only marginally from "D" to "C."[5][6]

[edit] Foreign policy

During Khatami's presidency, Iran's foreign policy began a process of moving from confrontation to conciliation. In Khatami's notion of foreign policy, there was no "clash of civilizations", he favoured instead a "dialogue among civilizations". Relations with the US remained marred by mutual suspicion and distrust, but during Khatami's two terms, Tehran increasingly made efforts to play a greater role in the Persian Gulf region and beyond.

As President, Khatami met with many influential figures including Pope John Paul II, Koichiro Matsuura, Jacques Chirac, Johannes Rau, Vladimir Putin, Abdulaziz Bouteflika and Hugo Chávez. In 2003 Khatami refused to meet militant Iraqi cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.[7]

After the 2003 earthquake in Bam, Iran, the Iranian government rebuffed Israel's offer of assistance. On April 8, 2005, Khatami sat near Iranian-born Israeli President Moshe Katsav during the funeral of Pope John Paul II because of alphabetical order. Later, Katsav claimed that he shook hands and spoke with Khatami. Katsav himself is in origin an Iranian Jew, and from a part of Iran close to Khatami's home - he stated that they had spoken about their home province. That would make this incident the first political contact between Iran and Israel since diplomatic ties were severed in 1979.[3] [4] However, after he returned to Iran, Khatami was subject to harsh criticism from conservatives for having 'recognised' Israel by speaking to its president. Subsequently, the country's state-run media reported that Khatami strongly denied shaking hands and chatting with Katsav[5]

In 2003, Iran approached the United States with proposals to negotiate all outstanding issues including the nuclear issue and a two-state settlement for Israel-Palestine.[8]

[edit] Khatami and Iran's 2004 parliamentary election

In February 2004 Parliament elections, the Council of Guardians banned thousands [9] of candidates, including most of the reformist members of the parliament and all the candidates of the Islamic Iran Participation Front party from running. This led to a win by the conservatives of at least 70% of the seats. Approximately 60% of the eligible voting population participated in the elections.

Khatami recalled his strong opposition against holding an election his government saw as unfair and not free. He also narrated the story of his visit to the Supreme Leader, Khamenei, together with the Parliament's spokesman (considered the head of the legislature) and a list of conditions they had handed him before they could hold the elections. The list, he said, was then passed on to the Guardian Council, the legal supervisor and major obstacle to holding free and competitive elections in recent years. The members of the Guardian Council are appointed directly by the Supreme Leader and were considered to be applying his will. "But," Khatami said, "the Guardian Council kept neither the Supreme Leader's nor its own word [...] and we were faced with a situation in which we had to choose between holding the election or risking huge unrest [...] and so damaging the regime." At this point a slogan was repeatedly chanted by the student protesters: "Jannati* is the nation's enemy." Khatami strangely replied, "If you are the nation, then we are the nation's enemy," and closed his speech.[10]

When the Guardian Council announced the final list of candidates on January 30, 125 Reformist members of parliament declared that they would boycott the election and resign their seats, and the Reformist interior minister declared that the election would not be held on the scheduled date, February 20. However, President Khatami then announced that the election would be held on time, and he rejected the resignations of his cabinet ministers and provincial governors. These actions paved the way for the election to be held and signaled a split between the radical and moderate wings of the Reformist movement.[11]

[edit] Cultural and political image

[edit] Dialogue Among Civilizations

Following earlier works by renowned philosopher Dariush Shayegan, President Khatami introduced the theory of Dialogue Among Civilizations as a response to Huntington's theory of Clash of Civilizations. After introducing the concept of his theory in several international societies (most importantly the U.N.) the theory gained a lot of international support. Consequently the United Nations proclaimed the year 2001 as the United Nations' Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations, as per Khatami's suggestion [6] [7]. Pleading for the moralization of politics, Khatami argued that “The political translation of dialogue among civilizations would consist in arguing that culture, morality and art must prevail on politics.” Khatami has become an international personality, and he has gained much fame among intellectuals all over the world.

Khatami’s dialogue of civilisations, challenging Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order (Huntington, 1998), is not just a domestic plea but a worldwide invitation. In 1998, Khatami addressed an international audience at the United Nations General Assembly in New York to delineate his main arguments (Khatami, 2001c, pp. 11–22) and the UN declared the year 2001 as the Year of Dialogue Among Civilisations. His proposal for such a dialogue is an inclusive concept that reaches beyond Iranian/non-Iranian, Muslim/non-Muslim dichotomies. It is an appeal to all humanity in the midst of growing violence and conflict worldwide, ultimately aiming at the betterment of human life. The dialogue of civilisations has several goals: laying the ground for peaceful, constructive debate among nations; providing a context in which civilisations can learn from each other’s strengths and weaknesses; replacing fear, blame, and prejudice with reason, fairness, and tolerance; and facilitating a dynamic exchange of experiences among culture, religions, and civilisations aimed at reform and amelioration. Khatami believes that such dialogue would strike a balance between the two extremes of self-denial, unquestioning imitation, and surrender and hatred, irrational rejection, and execration.[12]

[edit] Khatami as a scholar

Khatami's main research field is Political philosophy. One of Khatami's academic mentors was Javad Tabatabaei, a very influential Iranian political philosopher. Later on Khatami became a University lecturer at Tarbiat Modarres University where he taught Political philosophy. Khatami also published a book on political philosophy in 1999. The ground he covers is the same as that covered by Javad Tabatabaei: the Platonizing adaptation of Greek political philosophy by Farabi (d. 950), its synthesis of the "eternal wisdom" of Persian statecraft by Abu'l-Hasan Amiri (d. 991) and Mushkuya (miskawayh) Razi (d. 1030), the juristic theories of al-Mawardi and Ghazali, and Nizam al-Mulk's treatise on statecraft. He ends with a discussion of the revival of political philosophy in Safavid Isfahan in the second half of the 17th century.

Further, Khatami shares with Tabatabaei the curious idea of the "decline" of Muslim political thought beginning at the very outset, after Farabi.

Aristotle's Politics became available in Persian to Khatami's generation only in a translation by the late Hamid Enayat (d. 1982). Like Tabatabaei, Khatami brings in the sharply contrasting Aristotelian view of politics to highlight the shortcomings of Muslim political thought. Khatami's explanations of the decline in Muslim political thought in terms of the transition from political philosophy to royal policy (siyasat-i shahi) and its imputation to the prevalence of "forceful domination" (taghallub) in Islamic history carries little conviction.[13]

Khatami highlights the contradiction between the Western notion of "liberty" and the Islamic concept of "salvation". The Western concept of liberty refers to emancipation from outside bonds and aims at social, political, and civil freedom. Its positive achievements are having humans determine their own fate while governments serve the people and are accountable to them. A negative consequence of this school of thought, according to Khatami, is unbridled individualism and the belief that humans and their needs and desires are of central importance at all times. The Islamic notion of salvation, on the other hand, refers to emancipation from internal bonds, such as carnal desires, lust, and worldliness. Khatami believes that both viewpoints are incomplete. Salvation neglects humans’ social and political freedom.[14]

In his address at Washington National Cathedral, Khatami, a philosopher and scholar who specialized in German and Western philosophical trends in modern and post-modern eras, provided a historical overview of Western thought from the Renaissance to the current post-modern age. The West is driven by intellectuals who emphasize individuality, he pointed out, and who have turned human beings into a new religion: Westerners believe that man can successfully dominate the world and nature, and have turned to aggression, domination and colonialism. In Khatami’s opinion, Western thinkers propagated the views of "survival of the fittest" and "might is right". The West went on to build aggressive social and political systems, and dominate both nature and weak societies. The Eastern spiritual beliefs of the three Abrahamic faiths, based on the principles of truth and justice, have suffered as a result. With the advance of Western civilization, the West either dominated or integrated other "civilizations into a unified Western one", Khatami said. Western philosophers and politicians now expect "older civilizations" to give in and accept Western ideals, just as "agricultural civilizations physically gave in to the industrial and post-industrial civilizations."[15]

In his "Letter for Tomorrow", he wrote: "This government is proud to announce that it heralded the era where the sanctity of power has been turned into the legitimacy of critique and criticism of that power, which is in the trust of the people who have been delegated with power to function as representatives through franchise. So such power, once considered Divine Grace has now been reduced to an earthly power that can be criticized and evaluated by earthly beings. Instances show that although due to some traces of despotic mode of background we have not even been a fair critique of those in power, however, it is deemed upon the society, and the elite and the intellectuals in particular, not to remain indifferent at the dawn of democracy and allow freedom to be hijacked."

[edit] Post-presidential career

After his presidency, Khatami founded two NGOs which he currently heads:

  • International Institute for Dialogue among Cultures & Civilizations [8]. In Persian: موسسه بین المللی گفتگوی فرهنگها و تمدنها. This institute is a private (non-governmental) institute that was founded by Mr. Khatami after the end of his presidency and it is not to be confused with a center with a similar name operated by the foreign ministry of Iran. The European branch of Mr. Khatami's institute is headquartered in Geneva and has been registered as Foundation for Dialogue among Civilizations [9].
  • Baran Foundation [10]. BARAN meaning "rain" is an acronym in Persian for "Foundation for Freedom, Growth and Development of Iran" (Persian: بنیاد آزادی، رشد و آبادانی ایران - باران). This is also a private (non-governmetnal) institute founded by Khatami after the end of his presidency (registration announced on 9 Sep 2005) and a group of his former colleagues during his presidency. This institute is focused on domestic rather than international activities.

Notable events in career of Mr. Khatami after his presidency include:

[edit] The Man with the Chocolate Robe

On December 22, 2005, a few months after the end of Khatami's presidency, the monthly magazine Chelcheragh with a group of young Iranian artists and activists organized a ceremony in honor of Mr. Khatami. The ceremony was held on Yalda night at Tehran's Bahman Farhangsara Hall. The ceremony, titled A Night with: The Man with the Chocolate Robe by the organizers, was widely attended by teenagers and younger adults. One of the presenters and organizers of the ceremony was Pegah Ahangarani, a popular young Iranian actress. The event did not get a lot of advance publicity, but it drew a huge amount of attention afterwards. In addition to formal reports on the event by the BBC, IRNA, and other major news agencies, googling the term "مردی با عبای شکلاتی" ("The Man with the Chocolate Robe" in Persian) shows thousands of results of mainly young Iranians' weblogs mentioning the event. The significance of this event was that it was arguably the first time in the history of Iran that an event in such fashion was held in honor of a head of government. Some weblog reports of the evening described the general atmosphere of the event as "similar to a concert!", and some reported that "Khatami was treated like a pop star" among the youth and teenagers in attendance during the ceremony. Many bloggers also pointed out the disappoinment of many of his supporters because of his failure to carry out his plans for a more democratic, tolerant, and open society after his 8 years of presidency. The event itself, and the enormous amount of weblog and internet discussions that were sparked by it, are considered by many to be indicative of the strong feelings still evoked in Iran's youth by Mr. Khatami and the reform program he was associated with.

  • [16] Mohammad Ali Abtahi's weblog report of the evening
  • [17] A blogger's report: Tears at the night with The Man with the Chocolate Robe
  • [18] BBC News: The Man with the Chocolate Robe
  • [19] Photo report of the ceremony

[edit] 2007 hand shaking incident

In May 2007, a video was released showing Mohammad Khatami publicly shaking hand with two female participants of a conference in Italy where he was an invited speaker. Strict interpretations of Islamic law forbid physical contact with a person of opposite sex other than a relative.

Khatami was criticised by the conservative press for committing an "unforgivable offense against sacred Islamic rules".[20] After initially denying the handshake had occurred, Khatami admitted he "might have shaken some hands, but I don't remember exactly".[20]

Websites close to the conservative government of president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claimed that an increasing number of clerics in the holy Shiite city of Qom believed that Khatami should be convicted for his behaviour.

[edit] Criticism

Khatami attracted world attention in his first election to the presidency when as "a little known cleric, he captured almost 70% of the vote."[21] His two terms as president, however, were widely regarded as unsuccessful in achieving their goals of making Iran more free and democratic.[22]

Mohammad Khatami has been criticized by conservatives, reformers, and opposition groups for some of his policies and viewpoints. Khatami was criticized for desribing Asadollah Lajevardi as a "valiant son of Islam and revolution, a servant of the regime and the people". A former chief guardian of the infamous Evin Prison, Mr Lajevardi is known for his role in suppression of political prisoners.[23] Khatami also expressed his sadness upon the death of Sadeq Khalkhali, known as the hanging judge.[24] He also praised Mohammad Fazel Lankarani, calling him "an open-minded Muslim", "prominent follower of Khomeini's path" and "valubale figures in seminaries". [25] Lankarani is well-known for his death fatwas for Rafiq Tağı and Salman Rushdi as well as his fatwa against the attendance of women in sport stadiums.

Khatami also came under attack from philosopher Abdolkarim Soroush, who accused him of failing to push for reforms since his May, 1997, election. "The peaceful and democratic uprising of the Iranian people against religious dictatorship in May 1997 was a sweet experience," Soroush said in a letter addressed to Khatami. "But your failure to keep the vote and your wasting of opportunities put an end to it and disappointed the nation. Now, failures have turned into unrest." [26] ­

Khatami's definition of civil society and freedom has been also subject to criticisms. Khatami raised the idea of civil society when he came to power. That encouraged many thinkers and scholars to write about the issue extensively. But suddenly Khatami said in one of his speeches: "what I meant by civil society was the Prophet’s Medina". His statement disappointed many Iranian scholars. Referring to this point Abdolkarim Soroush said: "That poured cold water on everyone. Either this was the understanding that he had of civil society from the start or he later changed his mind for particular political and theoretical reasons and replaced civil society with the Prophet’s Medina. This was clear vacillation in his thinking. We witnessed this same vacillation when he spoke about freedom."[27] In a speech in November 18 1998, Khatami said: "Only those have the right to political activity and existence in Iran who have faith in Islam and the leadership."[28] [29]

Despite the fact that President Khatami was supportive of democratic reforms, Defenders of Human Rights Center which is Iran's main human rights organization, did not succeed in official registration and its qualification was not approved after three years of sending requests.[30] He was also criticized for inappropriate reaction to Shirin Ebadi's Nobel Peace Prize. Ebadi is also the president of Defenders of Human Rights Center. [31]

President Khatami has refrained from criticizing the fundamental principle of velayat-e-faqih, of rule by the religious scholar, the governmental principle imposed by Ruhollah Khomeini and the basic ideology of the state.[32] After taking the office Khatami said: "We declare to the world that we will continue to tread along Imam Khomeini’s path...We will persevere to do so". He also added: "Imam Khomeini’s notion of velayat-e faqih is the main pillar of the Islamic Republic. All citizens of the Islamic Republic have a practical commitment to velayat-e faqih. This means that all those who live under this system must abide by this principle and regulate their conduct within the framework of the constitution."[33][34]

In an interview at Harvard University, Khatami was asked about his opinion on homosexuality. He said: "homosexual activity is a crime in Islam...And crimes are punishable...The fact that could crimes be punished by execution is debatable."[35]

In 2001, Some 78 Iranian lawmakers have called on President Mohammad Khatami to allocate an appropriate share to the Sunni minority of the country. However Khatami did not appoint any one from the Sunni minority to cabinet posts in his 8 years of presidency. [36] He did however appoint Shia Kurds to his cabinet, a first in post-Revolutionary Iran.

Islamic Republic did not allow a single Sunni mosque to be build in Tehran. Although President Mohammad Khatami promised during election times to build a Sunni mosque in Tehran, he refused to do that after taking the office. After he won the elections, he was reminded of his promise but he claimed that the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei had not agreed to the proposal.[37]

In July 2007, Khatami said that Ruhollah Khomeini was the leading "reformist" of our time. [38] Ruhollah Khomeini is considered a populist and fundamentalist by some experts[39] . Khomeini was also a leader of a movement that led to a revolution and radical change in Iranian political structure.

Khatami in many occasions praised Basij. President Mohammad Khatami told the cabinet on 22 November 2000 that "the Basij is a progressive force which seeks to play a better role in maintaining religious faith among its allies, and acquiring greater knowledge and skills." [40] Khatami also praised Basij activities during the July 1999 unrest in Iran. "The Basij forces, standing alongside the Law Enforcement Forces, demonstrated courage, firmness, and initiative. They demonstrated the power and potency of the system, and they also revealed the self-restraint exercised by the system." By not resorting to deadly force, Khatami said, the Basij "brought the unrest to an end, and in the process they brought calm and security back to the country."[41]

[edit] Personal life

Khatami married Zohreh Sadeghi, daughter of a famous professor of religious law, and niece of Imam Musa al-Sadr, in 1974 (at the age of 31). They have two daughters and one son: Leila (born 1975) who is now a mathematics professor, Narges (born 1982), and Emad (born 1988).

Khatami's father, the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khatami, was a high ranking cleric and the Khateeb (the one who delivers the sermon for Friday prayers) in the city of Yazd in the early years of the Iranian Revolution.

Khatami's brother, Dr. Mohammad Reza Khatami was elected as Tehran's first member of parliament in the 6th term of Majlis, during which he served as deputy speaker of the parliament. He also served as the secretary-general of Islamic Iran Participation Front (Iran's largest reformist party) for several years. Mohammad Reza is married to Zahra Eshraghi, granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini (founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran) who is a feminist human rights activist.

Khatami's other brother, Ali Khatami, a businessman with a master's degree in Industrial Engineering from Brooklyn[42], served as the President's Chief of Staff during President Khatami's second term in office, where he kept an unusually low profile.

Khatami's eldest sister, Fatemeh Khatami was elected as the first representative of the people of Ardakan (Khatami's hometown) in 1999 city council elections.

Mohammad Khatami speaks several languages including Persian, Arabic, and a bit of English and German.

[edit] Primary sources

[edit] Publications

Khatami has written a number of books in Persian, Arabic and English:

Books in Persian

  • Fear of the Wave (بیم موج)
  • From the World of the Polis to the Polis of the World (از دنیای شهر تا شهر دنیا)
  • Faith and Thought Trapped by Despotism (آیین و اندیشه در دام خودکامگی)
  • Democracy (مردم سالاری)
  • Dialogue Among Civilizations (گفتگوی تمدنها)
  • A Letter for Tomorrow (نامه ای برای فردا)
  • Islam, The Clergy, and The Islamic Revolution (اسلام، روحانیت و انقلاب اسلامی)
  • Political Development, Economic Development, and Security (توسعه سیاسی، توسعه اقتصادی و امنیت)
  • Women and the Youth (زنان و جوانان)
  • Political Parties and the Councils (احزاب و شوراها)
  • Reviver of the Truth of Religion [title roughly translated from Persian] (احیاگر حقیقت دین)

Books in English

Books in Arabic

  • A Study of Religion, Islam and Time [title roughly translated from Arabic] (مطالعات فی الدین و الاسلام و العصر)
  • City of Politics [title roughly translated from Arabic] (مدینة السیاسة)

A full list of his publications is available at his official personal web site (see below).

[edit] Trivia

 Trivia sections are discouraged under Wikipedia guidelines.
The article could be improved by integrating relevant items and removing inappropriate ones.
  • President Khatami is not related to Ahmad Khatami, a hardliner cleric and Friday Prayer Imam of Tehran.

[edit] Awards/Honors

[edit] See also

[edit] References and notes

  1. ^ SJIR: Khatami and the Search for Reform in Iran
  2. ^ [Tahavolat, 98-138; Economic Trends, no. 23 (Tehran: Central Bank, 2000-2001); and Iran: Interim Assistance Strategy (Washington: The World Bank, April 2001).]
  3. ^ Project MUSE
  4. ^ UNDP, Human Development Report 2001 (New York: UNDP, 2001).
  5. ^ Iran Economics (Tehran), July/August 2001.
  6. ^ Project MUSE
  7. ^ Hoover Institution - Hoover Digest - Order Out of Chaos
  8. ^ Wahshington Post "Road Map"
  9. ^ Iran reformists' protest continues. CNN (2006-01-12). Retrieved on 2007-01-01.
  10. ^ FToI: What did Khatami really say?
  11. ^ Strategic Insights - Iranian Politics After the 2004 Parliamentary Election
  12. ^ http://taylorandfrancis.metapress.com/media/g275mun1plcwqp8f6evl/contributions/p/f/y/1/pfy1b5kar47gdn51.pdf
  13. ^ [1][dead link]
  14. ^ http://taylorandfrancis.metapress.com/media/g275mun1plcwqp8f6evl/contributions/p/f/y/1/pfy1b5kar47gdn51.pdf
  15. ^ Waging Peace: Khatami Calls on East and West to Merge, Learn from Other
  16. ^ Iran's Khatami calls for US talks. BBC News (2006-09-08). Retrieved on 2006-09-08.
  17. ^ JTW News - Khatami to attend World Economic Forum in Davos
  18. ^ Khatami & Kerry: A Common Denominator
  19. ^ Kerry confirmed Khatami's remarks in his address (ISNA)
  20. ^ a b Haeri, Safa. "A Handshake that Might Become A Religious Revolution Or A Political Suicide", Iran Press Service, June 28, 2007. Retrieved on 2007-12-05. 
  21. ^ BBC News, 6 June, 2001 Profile: Mohammad Khatami
  22. ^ The Guardian, Tuesday May 4 2004, Khatami blames clerics for failure
  23. ^ Criticism of president Mohammad Khatami's warm praise of Assadollah Lajevardi, the man known by Iranians as the most "ruthless criminal" directly responsible for the execution and torture of thousands of (Iranian political prisoners continued unabatted
  24. ^ ! خاتمی در مراسم ترحيم شيخ صادق خلخالی
  25. ^ Irna
  26. ^ Abdolkarim Soroush :: عبدالکريم سروش
  27. ^ Transcript of TV interview with Dr. Soroush by Dariush Sajjadi
  28. ^ http://www.nepr.us/Who-is-Khatami.pdf
  29. ^ "Iran, under Khatami, The Myth of Moderation", published in September 1998
  30. ^ [2][dead link]
  31. ^ Iran News - Khatami's silence signals official anger over Ebadi
  32. ^ Landslide! Scope of Victory Stuns Even Iranian Reformers, The Estimate, February 25, 2000
  33. ^ http://www.nepr.us/Who-is-Khatami.pdf
  34. ^ "Iran, under Khatami, The Myth of Moderation", published in September 1998
  35. ^ HOMAN - Khatami's Speech in Harvard about Homosexuality
  36. ^ MPs ask President Khatami to name Sunni ministers in new cabinet
  37. ^ Asia Times
  38. ^ خاتمي: امام خميني(ره)بزرگترين اصلاح‌طلب بودند
  39. ^ New Left Review - Ervand Abrahamian: Khomeini: Fundamentalist or Populist
  40. ^ Niruyeh Moghavemat Basij - Mobilisation Resistance Force
  41. ^ RFE/RL Iran Report
  42. ^ Sciolino, Elaine (2001). Persian Mirrors: The Elusive Face of Iran. Simon and Schuster, 79-80. ISBN 0743217799. 
  43. ^ Amazon.com: Islam, Liberty and Development: Mohammad Khatami,Muhammad Khatami: Books


[edit] External links

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:
Wikinews has related news:


v • d • e
Mohammad Khatami
Islamic democracy
v • d • e
Presidents of Iran

Abolhassan Banisadr (1980–81) · Mohammad-Ali Rajai (1981) · Ali Khamenei (1981–89) · Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989–97) · Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005) · Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (since 2005)

 Flag of Iran
Preceded by
Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani		 President of Iran
1997–2005		 Succeeded by
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad


Persondata
NAME Khatami, Mohammad
ALTERNATIVE NAMES
SHORT DESCRIPTION Iranian politician, former President of Iran
DATE OF BIRTH September 29, 1943
PLACE OF BIRTH Ardakan, Iran
DATE OF DEATH
PLACE OF DEATH