Melbourne 2030

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The Metropolitan Strategy Melbourne 2030 is a Victorian Government strategic planning policy framework for the metropolitan area of Greater Melbourne, intended to cover the period 2001-2030. During this period the population of the metropolitan area is expected to grow by a million people to over 5 million.

Introduced by the Bracks (ALP) government its main elements are based on well-established planning principles for Transit-oriented development:

reducing the proportion of new development occurring at low-densities on Melbourne's fringe from about 60% to 40% of annual construction by redirecting new development to defined areas of established inner and middle-ring suburbs.
concentrating development within designated activity centres close to transport nodes. The policy has particular emphasis on public transport over car-based suburbs dependent on the private motor car. However the strategy itself does not detail further investment in the public transport system.
reducing urban sprawl by establishing legislated urban growth boundaries, with the aim of containing urban development.
protecting areas of open space known as green wedges left between areas defined by the urban growth boundaries from development^[1]

The existence of Melbourne 2030 gives the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal (VCAT) the policy rationale to determine planning disputes in favour of developments that it judges to be in accordance with the metropolitan strategy's objectives.

1 Criticisms and controversy
2 Other Planning Policies
3 See Also
4 References
5 External links

[edit] Criticisms and controversy

Melbourne 2030 has been subject to much criticism concerning the basis of some of its policy objectives, inconsistencies between policies, poor implementation and departures from its principles by the Victorian government.

[edit] Policy objectives

Encouraging intensification in activity centres sustains existing development pressure in some of the oldest parts of inner-city and middle-ring suburbs that are also often heritage precincts. The National Trust of Victoria has expressed concern about the effect on inner city heritage areas, particularly in sensitive suburbs such as Carlton, Fitzroy, Collingwood^[2] and South Yarra.

[edit] Policy inconsistencies

The Public Transport Users Association criticised the target of 20% of motorised trips transferring to public transport by 2020, claiming that the existing system is at capacity and could not cope with a tripling of users without expansion and increased frequency of services. Transport experts such as Paul Mees and others have argued that the capacity of the current system could be increased if management practices were improved, and many have called for the system to be returned to public administration when the contracts with private operators expire in November 2007. Furthermore, public transport advocates are doubtful about the capability of the privatised transport system to handle increased patronage without a large increase government investment, although little is envisaged by the strategy.

Melbourne's fixed public transport infrastructure forms the heart of the strategy, yet less than half of metropolitan Melbourne is served by it in theory, and far less in practice. There are virtually no plans to extend the rail and tram network. This was a notable issue in the 2006 state election for residents in the north eastern suburb of South Morang, which has long had land reserved for an extension of the Epping Line and which the Bracks government has so far made no commitment to remedy. Public transport advocates have long lamented that the paucity of access for Melbourne residents to a decent level of public transport, due to the lack of any extensions to tram or rail lines for a hundred years and inadequate bus services in those areas not covered by fixed transport infrastructure. At the same time, Mees has observed that the actual emphasis of real transport initiatives in the strategy is on road building rather than public transport.

Victorian opposition leader Ted Baillieu has criticised the policy of "no new dams" while allowing the population to increase by another million. ^[3]

[edit] Policy implementation

The high-profile resistance campaign against the redevelopment proposals for Camberwell railway station provide an example of how politically difficult it could be to implement policies for intensification of suburban activity centres.

[edit] Policy departures

At the same time, proponents have been critical of the implementation of Melbourne 2030 with many believing that the government is abandoning key aspects the strategy. For example, after a boom in new housing construction in outer Melbourne, the government released more land for outer suburban development beyond the urban growth boundary (see above). Other policies, such as the construction of freeways (including the 45 kilometre EastLink tollway, Pakenham bypass, and Craigieburn Bypass) and upgrading of existing freeway systems (including the CityLink tollway, Monash Freeway, and West Gate Freeway) appear to many to be at odds with Melbourne 2030.

[edit] Other Planning Policies

Postcode 3000 - 1990s
ResCode - a design guide for medium density housing in Melbourne which came into effect on 24 August 2001
Transport and Livability Statement - delivered in 17 May 2006
Green belt