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MAHATHIR'S ISLAM: A SOCIO-POLITICAL CONSTRUAL

IMANKALYAN LAHIRI

Publisher: Ekush Satak, Kolkata 2005

The origin of Islamic religion and religious practice in Southeast Asia remained a debatable subject matter in the study of world history. European historians have argued that it came through trading contacts with India, whereas some Southeast Asian Muslim scholars claim it was brought to the region directly from Arabia in the Middle East. Other scholars claim that Muslim Chinese who were engaged in trade in Southeast Asia at that time introduced it. Whatever the source, scholars acknowledge that Muslim influence in Southeast Asia is at least six centuries old, or was present by 1400 A.D. Some argue for origins to at least 1100 A.D. in the earliest areas of Islamic influence, such as in Aceh, Northern Sumatra in Indonesia.

 Rooting of Islam in Southeast Asia

Despite the prevalence of myriad opinion about the possible emergence of Islam, the fact remains is that Islam in Southeast Asia did not come directly from the Middle East which is the source of Islam, but it came from India during twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Also, the Islam that came in to Southeast Asia had already been customized by the experience of Islam in India and had some very strong elements of Sufism in it. It is to be pointed out here that Islam first came to India via the Arabs that occurred around the 10th century. Then the Turks in Central Asia, along with the Mongols and all the earlier dynasties in India that came from Central Asia modified Islam considerably. Gradually, it became a “softer” Islam; and was very spiritual too. Gradually, with the passage of time the Islam of India became very different from the Islam of the Middle East. Meanwhile, throughout Southeast Asia, certainly in Indonesia and Malaysia, Thailand, etc., when Islam started to swing the population, there was already a Hindu Buddhist civilization existing there, which was rooted in the Indian tradition of the Ramayana and then Mahabharata, the great Hindu epics. So, when Islam entered this Hindu-Buddhist cultural zone of Southeast Asia, the result was a Sufi-influenced Islam of India coming into an area where there was already an existing Indian culture – it was an Indianite Islam coming in on top of an Indianized local culture. Anthony Reid, a noted scholar pointed out that Islamic influence was present in coastal ports of Sumatra, Java, and Malaysia in the year 1500. During this period he argued, Muslim rulers tried to balance their patronage of Islam with international traders, urban mosques, and basic adherence to the Muslim doctrine of avoiding pork with their need to sustain rural peoples' beliefs in animism. As an evidence of fact he referred history by pointing that as early in the year 1590, Islamic writing appears in both Malay and Javanese scripts which indicates a period of activity by Muslim scholars in select areas who were promoting Islamic beliefs. The period of 1550-1650 was unique in terms of both Muslim and Christian influence in Southeast Asia. This was a time when Southeast Asian Muslims opposed all forms of foreign European control. Rapid commercialization started to emerge which increased global trade that involved Southeast Asians in a lot of travel outside their home areas. Prior to this Animism, or the belief in spirits, as an intensely 'local' religious form was prevalent. As a result, it was difficult to perform rituals outside of one's own home area, since spirits (ancestral or otherwise) are not 'portable'. The increased global trade influenced indigenous Southeast Asian traders in two ways: a) they were attracted to new religious forms that were not tied to specific places; and b) they were impressed by the wealth and apparent materialistic power and talents of foreign traders. Wealth and power, by indigenous animistic beliefs, signaled enhanced spiritual power. In other words, traders began to contemplate Islam and Christianity as alternative, in some cases superior, forms of religious belief. The success of European traders and Arabic traders during this period provided the basis of attraction to new ritual practices. In many cases, new religious practices were absorbed into the existing Southeast Asian ritual practices which remained a classic case of 'religious syncretism'. This was also the time when the Southeast Asian peoples came into direct contact with Muslim traders who had been not just to India, but also to Arabia. Arabic scholars also came to Malaysia and Indonesia, facilitating information about the new religion during this period. The local rulers of Southeast Asia especially of Indonesia and Malaysia did not hesitate to adopt the new religion, because they saw in its rituals and philosophy a new novel way to support their authority and easily assimilate the idea that ruler is God’s shadow on earth and a perfect man -the concept that developed in Southeast Asia. Malaysia, as a prominent country in the region was never free from the influence of Islam and since its formal establishment in 1963; it became a prominent feature of its domestic and international policies. The role of Islam in Malaysia may be expressed differently from that in the other countries of Southeast Asia in view of the country’s socio–economic development, the strength of its Muslim population and the level of the politicization of Islam and the nature of response. This is because; Islam has long been an ideology for political dissent as well as the legitimization of authority in Malaysia. Malaysia, like many post-colonial societies of the late 20th century, has been experiencing a collective identity crisis since its independence. The political entity that is known as the Federation of Malaysia today was born in stages: In 1957 independent Malaya was created and in 1963 the federation was expanded to include Singapore as well as the north Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak . Independent Malaysia, as it came to be known, was searching for its own sense of identity from the very beginning. This is because, as has been already pointed out, for centuries the territory had been home to a variety of different ethnic, cultural and religious communities. From the West came successive waves of Indian culture, that contributed to the Indianization of the Malay Archipelago, the emergence of a number of important Malay-Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms such as Majapahit, Mataram and Srivijaya. From the east came the influence of China, which brought with it distinctive Chinese styles and modes of living that were subsequently blended with local tastes and habits. Both Indian (Hindu, Buddhist) and Chinese (Buddhist, Taoist and Confucianism) cultural influences are evident in Malay art, culture and architecture up to the 19th century – however today the traces of Indian and Chinese influences are being rapidly and deliberately diminished. Within the Malay Archipelago itself the movement of peoples – and the languages, cultures, modes of dress, behavior and living they brought along – had been the norm for more than two thousand years. Almost all of the kingdoms of maritime Southeast Asia were seafaring kingdoms that were mobile and they survived on trade and constant communication with the outside world. This process of trans-cultural and cross-cultural borrowing and adaptation was to last till the early 16th century, until the arrival of European conquistadors brought to an end the maritime economies of the region, and introduced the new concepts of the nation-state, political territories and frontiers. Subsequently, waves of modern colonization introduced other modes of governance, and introduced ideas such as racial and ethnic differences. The colonial era left behind lasting traces in terms of a new public mentality that was essentially modern: Ideas such as the nation-state, territorial borders, national sovereignty and gradually radicalized identities were introduced to a world that was previously devoid of them. The evolution of modern Malaysian politics reflected these concerns, most notably the politics of race and radicalized identities. By the time Malaysia was created in 1957 (and completed in 1963), the central question as far as the project of nation-building was concerned was what should be the basis of Malaysia's identity? The dominance of the Malay-Muslim community in the country meant that Malaysian identity was modeled on and defined by a Malay-centric view of the world. But at the same time this new understanding of 'Malayness’ was one that was radicalized, with fixed, absolute and exclusive boundaries. The postcolonial Malaysian state and its leaders were less inclined to accept or celebrate the multicultural past of the country, owing to the nature of radicalized politics in Malaysia. From the late 1970s onward Malaysia was also swept by the wave of new currents of political Islam let loose by the Iranian revolution of 1979 and Pakistan's re-invention of itself as an Islamic state the same year. The rise of political Islam in Malaysia further contributed to the narrowing of Malaysian identity along religion-cultural lines. New, more conservative and vocal Islamist groups began to call for the Islamisation of Malaysian society and with that the rejection of the country's pre-Islamic past. Thus today Malaysian cultural identity is increasingly defined in terms of an understanding of Malay identity that is narrow, puritan, closed and exclusive. Should these trends continue, they will undermine and ultimately diminish the shared cultural heritage of Malaysia and the Malaysian people, whose traditional arts and crafts reflect this shared history when Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism could accommodate each other. The significance of Islam in Malaysian society It has been already discussed that before the emergence of Islam, the indigenous Malays embraced with diverse forms of belief that derived from the Hindu and Buddhist religions. Life of the local inhabitants was structured and arranged in ways that showed the influence of more than one religion is prevalent in the society. This can be seen not only in the Malay's cultural patterns but is also part of the 'power' structure of state dignitaries and princes. After the introduction of Islam in the region, the royal rulers and the other elites in most communities in the Malay world embraced the Islamic religion. The people were impressed and attracted by the provision in the Qur'an and the Hadith that mankind should be ranked on a basis of interpersonal equality. Those who for so long had been considered of low caste saw how the different strata of Islamic society were laid before them. They were no longer imprisoned within a religious caste system and the notion of living in "classes". In Islam there was no discrimination, or division on the basis of colour, class tribal affiliation, race, homeland and birthplace, all of which gave rise to problems of inequality and the divisions of mankind on the basis of class and caste. Equal rights seemed the right human solution, which in practice meant the acceptance of rights and obligation as a member of the Islamic Community. The pious person achieved sublimity and nearness to God. The local population also saw that Islam could extricate them from this bondage and provide the means for the extirpation of social evils. The new religion gave the small man a sense of this individual worth - the dignity of man - as a member of an Islamic community. The efforts of the ulama in implementing Islamic teachings gradually reached rulers, officials, community leaders and the ordinary people. Their efforts left its mark in such places as Banten (formerly Bantam), East Java, Macassar, Kalimantan, the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand, Malacca, Trengganu and elsewhere. The ulama also played a part in the administration, and some of the powerful sultans held firmly to the teachings of Islam. After the initial introduction of Islam, the religion was spread by the ulama from one district to another. Their normal practice was to open a religious training centre called "pondok" or hut from the small sleeping quarters constructed for the students. In addition to giving lectures in houses, prayer houses, or mosques, they also performed tasks such as working in padi fields, gardening and craftwork and other jobs according to each individual's capabilities. The role of these ulama' was not merely that of a teacher but also that of advisor for the village families and communities. The role they played was fairly broad one by reason of their expertise and capability in more than one field of human activity. After graduating, the pupils would go back to their homeland, often in some remote corner of the country, forming a link in the chain between one ulama' and another. Islam in the Malay Archipelago in general and Malaysia in particular follows the Shafie Mazhab . However, there are many Muslims in Malaysia who do not follow any particular school. In Perlis, the state constitution specifies that Perlis follows the Qur'an and Sunnah and not a particular mazhab. Many Muslims in Perlis therefore do not follow any mazhab, as is the case with the followers and members of the Muhammadiyah Organization in Indonesia. One noteworthy feature in the religious education scene is the close relationship between the Pondok schools, the teachers and even the pupils although the distance between them may be quite considerable as from for example, Kedah to Achen, Java, Kalimantan, Kelantan and Terengganu. The unifying factor that makes strong ties among them is the uniformity of the system of instruction, for not only are the Holy book and the language used the same but also the socio-political problems, even though in Indonesia the Dutch were the colonial power and in Malaysia (or Malaya) the British. The colonizers whether Portuguese, Dutch or British attempted Christianization by various means, in particular through their educational systems. After the introduction of the pondok schools in Malaysia, there were, however, a number of Muslims who felt that the pondok schools could not deal with the challenge of colonial education institutions. In order to overcome the problems, the Madrasatul Mashoor al-Islamiyah was established in Pulau Pinang in the year 1916 using Arabic as the language of instruction. The madrassahs taught Fiqh as well as secular subjects. This institute of learning was not merely intended to enhance the position of Muslims in Penang and northern Malaya but in Southeast Asia as well. This school chose as its inspiration the name of Syed Ahmad Al Mashoor, alternatively known as Ayid Mashoor, a leader of Arab descent on that Island. After Malaya achieved independence on August 31, 1957, the growth of religious education at government subsidized schools was a result of sustained effort on the part of the Malay community. This can be seen at the Islamic College and the National University of Malaysia. It can be said here that the best known and reputedly oldest pondok in Malaysia is that of Tok Guru Haji Muhammad Yusof or Tok Kenali, who constructed it himself in Kota Bahru, Kelantan. He received his basic education in Kelantan and then like any other pondok teacher pursued his studies in the Masjid al-Haram (the Great Mosque of Makkah). The Tok Kenali pondok became a famous centre of learning which led to large numbers of people from different states coming to learn at the pondok, and subsequently other pondok schools were opened by some of the former pupils who in time became community leaders. This teacher-pupil- teacher network spread to Southern Thailand and Indonesia. Some Malaysian ulama' became teachers at the Masjid al-Haram. It is unfortunate that while the process of Islamisation was in progress in South-East Asia, the colonizers from the West came on the scene. The first ones were the Portuguese who were followed in succession by the Spanish, the Dutch and the British who took land in these places and altered all the laws and ways of living by one means or another, based on the 'divide and rule policy' so well known throughout the third world. The coming of the West could normally be considered fewer than three categories: trade, conquest and Christianization of the colonial subjects. With this added the activities of the missionaries. The missionary is a revolutionary and has to be so, for to preach and plant Christianity means to make a frontal attack on the beliefs, the customs, the apprehensions of life and the world and by implication on the social structure of the society. Beyond the missionary, the colonial administrators, planters, merchants, western penetration, etc., performed a much more severe and destructive attack on the existing religious pattern of the then Malay society. The Malay Archipelago which became a trading area and a well known area for "spices" and all sorts of products of the soil and marine technology had become an area of intense rivalry as a consequence. The greed for double profits by the Western traders transformed the style of political power by colonization. One by one the trading centres and the Islam influenced sites fell into the hands of the colonizers, bringing a new administration and a military presence to reinforce it. To strengthen their economy, the colonial powers (the British in particular) in the Peninsular Malaysia and Singapore brought in many laborers from India and China so as to constitute a political problem, which is still continuing . Problems of immigration, citizenship, special rights (Malays and indigenous), language, culture and economy became political issues that led to a certain amount of nationalistic touchiness. It would be appropriate to recall here a little bit of history. The fall of the Malacca sultanate to the Portuguese in 1511 was the beginning of colonization on the Peninsula, that is, the breakdown of Malay political authority in this part of the world and the beginning of a setback to the spread of Islam. From Malacca the colonizers seized all administrative functions that were typically Islamic. The people had to endure a number of disturbing experiences, and to witness some of their number cooperating with the colonizers for their own personal gain. The role of the ulama' was compromised for as time went on, they were weakened by the formation of various 'religious councils' on the pretext, in the colonial period, of preserving Malay customs and the Islamic religion. However, as can be seen from the Acts establishing these Councils their main function was to limit the role of Islam to purely personal matters. For their part the British promised they would not intervene in matters pertaining to Islam or Malay traditional practices. However, the separation of religion from the practical affairs of government and law was, in itself, interference in matters pertaining to Islam. The ulama' whose previous function had been to advise and attend to state requirements were now replaced by a British Advisor or British Resident and the role of the ulama' became purely "religious" in the narrow sense. Another effect was the opportunity for the Christian religion to establish itself in a number of areas in these districts and Christianize the native population. Schools and churches were opened once cooperation was secured from colonial officials. The Chinese and Indians who were brought to the Peninsula - Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei - became the middlemen and were given protection. Many of them entered schools belonging to Christian organizations and subsequently became Christians themselves. But for Malays it could be said they were "out" as far as Christian eligibility was concerned, and it was simply on that account that they were disparaged by the colonizers either on religious grounds or because they were said to be unskilled in basic human needs. The colonizers' policy and political game consisted in restricting the natural growth of the indigenous people so that in many spheres of activity they were hobbled or rendered ineffectual. Strict adherence to Islam was not so firm or so uniform throughout Peninsular Malaya particularly as the education policy gave advancement in the British system to those educated in colonial schools. Thus was produced a generation of Muslim bureaucrats who were 'westernized' and 'secularized'. In the contemporary world, the unchallenged role of the nation state as the principal actor in international relations is often a way of legitimizing the dominant racial–ethnic group constituting the nation. The nation–building theories have been oblivious of the process, whereby the dominant racial–ethnic group does not remain content with merely having a favoured position in society. It seeks to impose its will on the whole of society and mould it in its own image and monopolize the instruments and offices of the state and thus make its rules the Law of the Land. Today, Islam is one such group playing a vital role in Malaysia’s domestic and international politics. In other words, today, Malaysia’s political structure is simply the composite of internal and external factors (one such factor is Islam), which interact with Malaysia’s national and strategic interests. This includes Malaysia’s initiative to form a community of Islamic nations, which would be able in a small way to show Muslims of the world the path to a Muslim renaissance, a Muslim resurrection. The Government under the leadership of Tunku Abdul Rahman, the first prime minister of Malaysia, with support of the British was committed to a secularist vision of the new nation and vigorously opposed the Islamic political struggle and ideals. Tunku Abdul Rahman wanted to bring a sense of harmony and tolerance among the different ethno religions groups prominent in Malaysia. It is evident from one of his statements made during the 1969–election campaign: The Malays have gained for themselves political power. The Chinese and Indians have won for them economic power. The blending of the two with complete goodwill and understanding has brought about peace and harmony, coupled with prosperity to the country. However, his ideas came under a strong attack from the Partai–Al Islam Se Malaysia (PAS) and other islamically oriented Malay organizations operating that time. In other words, during Tunku Abdul Rahman era Islam as a factor in the making of both domestic and foreign policy never came into prominence in the context of the country’s foreign policy making. However, the situation started to change considerably since the Tun Abdul Razak became the second Prime Minister of Malaysia. Razak, also the founder of Barisan Nasional (BN) established the Islamic Centre, which formed an important part of the Islamic Religious Affairs Section of the Prime Minister’s Department. Tun Abdul Razak’s government gave increased attention to the educational, social and economic development of the Malay Muslims to accommodate the demands coming from PAS within the government and from the Da’wah (or Dakwah) movement outside it. With this Tun Abdul Razak started to view Islam as a prominent feature of his foreign policy, which is evidently clear from one of his comments made during his prime minister ship. He said, Not anybody who uses Islam in politics for his or her self–gain will be accepted by God. Islam unites its followers, and it is not for disunity. Islam is an integration device used to strengthen us with other Islamic countries. During his prime minister ship the great upheaval was carried out in the field of international relations, involving a spectacular realignment of foreign policy, which would face up to the realities of the redistribution of military and economic power in the world and brought Malaysia firmly into the orbit of AfroAsian solidarity movement, particularly in the PanIslamic Camp. Thus, we find, Islamic resurgence in Malaysia can be seem both as an ethnic and political phenomenon.Tun Abdul Razak was succeeded by Tun Hussein Onn. The period of Tun Hussein Onn’s stewardship as Prime Minister was marked by the continuation of Tun Abdul Razak’s policy and thus nothing significant feature can be observed in his foreign policy as far as the concept of Islam is concerned. It is particularly under Dr. Mahathir bin Mohammad, the Islamization process in Malaysia entered a new phase. This includes the institutionalization of concrete Islamic programmes within the government and in foreign relations. Mahathir government started to believe that adherence to Islam is considered intrinsic to Malay ethnic identity, and therefore ‘Islam’ as a feature is very much focused in Malaysia’s domestic and foreign policies during his stewardship. Malay identity has, to a large extent, depended on Islam. One of the problems that Mahathir, the prime minister of Malaysia, has been having is how to allow Islamic institutions to develop within the government and yet at the same time not have Malaysia become an Islamic state in such a way that the Chinese, who are a crucial and economically important element, will be frightened away. Notwithstanding the difficulties, Mahathir government intensified the Islamization programme, as a result an International Islamic University was opened in 1983 and Islamic civilization courses introduced at various local universities. An Islamic insurance scheme, the ‘Takaful’ was also started along with the setting up of the Pilgrimage Fund. The First Islamic bank was also launched operating in line with Syariah principles. On the other hand Mahathir as Prime Minister, has sought to look the mainstream influence of Islam thinking and has greatly expanded ties with the international Islamic Community. Yet, if a detailed analysis of his policies can be made, then it would be evident that he had been a consistent and forthright opponent of Islamism as far as the idea of fundamentalism is concerned. This is because Mahathir understood the bad effects of Islamic fundamentalism in the age of globalization that would necessary create problems for Malays to survive as a nation. In the words of Mahathir Mohammad: Unfortunately the intellectuals and those involved in the Islamic movements have overlooked what to most builders is obvious. The know they must go somewhere but play do not know exactly where to go. We must therefore plan for the future and this means we need to analyze the past and take stock of the present… The first thing Muslims have to do in to plan what sort of future they envisage for themselves. They can have an aimless future or a planned future. Unless something is done now this trend is likely to continue, putting the Muslims in grave danger of being separated from their faith. However, Mahathir understood, Muslims whether as minority or majority in any country have an important role to play. This role is not limited only to the cause of Islam but also in the context of nations, or even in the total human society. Again, in the words of Mahathir Mohammad: We are living in a rapidly changing period in human history. Rapid changes have caused a certain degree of disorientation to everyone. Some have lost their faith in religion – completely while others have begun to understand the meaning of religion and the need for it. On balance, Islam has benefited for there is a widespread resurgence of Islam everywhere. Inevitably, there have been deviations but largely there has been a greater appreciation of the role of Islam not only among Muslims but also among non–Muslims.

He believed Muslims are members of a universal community of faith that transcends geographical and political boundaries or racial and language barriers.

Is Malaysia an Islamic Nation? Scholars as well as the Islamic community today opined that Malaysia is an Islamic Nation. This is because Malaysia meets the criteria and characteristics of an Islamic State and its administration is in accordance with basic Islamic principles aft Islam. Secondly, the constitution of Malaysia declared Islam as the religion of the Federation, and states that other religions may be practiced in Peace and harmony in any part of the Federation. This is thus evident that Malaysia is not a secular state because the constitution does not contain the word "secular," neither does it separate the state from religious obligations nor leave religion to the hand of religious institution. In Malaysia, all the religious needs of Muslims are provided by the Government, while at the same time, non-Muslims are free to practice their respective religions which are permitted by Islam. Thus, consciously or unconsciously, Malaysia is built upon the contemporary concept of Islamic civilization after 600 years of embracing Islam as a religion, civilization and foundation for policy-making has achieved its success and effect in Malaysia. Therefore, it is not a new argument that Malaysia is an Islamic State. It is neither a question as the world, the non-Muslim superpowers and even the enemies of Islam regard Malaysia as an Islamic State. Even since independence, Islam has not ceased to influence the national system and politics of Malaysia. In the present atmosphere of Islamic resurgence, Malaysia belongs to the fourth polar of national system in the Muslim world, which consists of countries that have provisions for Islam in their constitution and use development proximity as foundation of Islamic sovereignty. Islam in Malaysia today has traditionally been a moderating and constructive force. Given the millions of Muslims in the country, anything which might convert Islam into a force is radical and violent revisionism. There is no question of the serious consequences if Middle Eastern-style Islamic radicalism was to take root with the laid back and tolerant Muslims of Malaysia. Malaysia has made its mark in today's world through the wise guidance of its leaders since 1957. In spite of its strong adherence to Islamic faith, Malaysia have built in a society with the culture of tolerance, respect for others and, no less notably, the emancipation of Muslim women consistent with an enlightened understanding of Islam. In no other country which calls itself Muslim do women enjoy the same freedom of movement, association and education as in Malaysia. The questionable impact of implementing Muslim criminal law, upon women and upon society generally has been documented in a number of Muslim countries. However well-intentioned, its implementation has in practice proved problematic. Fortunately, there is some cause for optimism about the prospects for constructive and peaceful accommodation between Islam and modernism, best exemplified by the policy choices of former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir which is pluralistic, inclusive, and moderate in nature. Mahathir’s survival in power set an example to other Asian nations that Islam and the modern world can peacefully coexist. Development of the Islamic Movement in Malaysia Islamic movement in Malaysia comprises various individuals and groups who, while sharing a common belief in the centrality of Islamic values to social progress, differ markedly in their answers to the question of what constitute a contemporary Islamic society, and in the strategies they adopt for the realization of this society. The most dynamic socio-political face of the Islamic movement in Malaysia can be found in the statements and activities of the Islamic Party of Malaysia, better known by its Malay acronym PAS. The party was founded in 1945 under the name of Malayan National Party (MNP) out of the efforts to resist British occupation and defend the rights and interests of the ethnic Malays. The anti-British movement, led by MNP and its rival UMNO (the United Malay National Organization), founded a year later in 1946, was sparked by, among others, the growing economic power and influence of the ethnic Chinese under the British rule. In the path of reasserting the Malay rights and interests the two parties were confronted with the question of “who is the Malay?” Whereas UMNO chose race, language, and custom as the criteria of Malay ness, MNP opted for the criteria of religion, race, and language. The choice of Islam as a fundamental criterion for Malay ness set MNP apart from UMNO, and soon became a essential element in the evolution of its identity. MNP twice altered its name before settling with its current one. The Party was renamed Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) in 1951, and again PAS in 1973. The adoption of a Malay name was meant to emphasize its commitment to replace the English with Bahasa Malayu, the Malaysian language, as the official language of the country. In contradiction, the Islamic identity of PAS did not nurture a trans-cultural or universalistic vision, but rather helped strengthening its commitment to the ethnic Malays, and strained its relationship with Chinese-based political parties. PAS’s parochialism and its inability to forge a working relationship with non-Malay political parties continue to be a stumbling block in its efforts to gain wider support among the Malaysian electorate, both Malay and non-Malay. The growth of non-partisan Islamic organizations marked the early 1970s. The most prominent and influential among them was the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia, better known by its Malay acronym ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam). ABIM, established in 1971 by Anwar Ibrahim, the then leader of Malaysia along with a group of university graduates, advanced a vision of an Islamic society, combining scientific and technological efficacy with Islamic values. ABIM attracted many educated Muslim Malays who were eager to develop themselves, their country and community, without sacrificing their Islamic identity. Between 1971 and 1981 ABIM grew rapidly to become a power to be reckoned with, partially due to its non-political status at a time of state intolerance toward Islamic political organizations, and partially due to the dynamism of Anwar Ibrahim who served as its president from 1972 to 1982. It is estimated that the movement grew from about nine thousand in 1972 to thirty five thousand by 1980. Anwar’s resignation from ABIM in 1982 to run for public office under the banner of UMNO rather than PAS, through the movement into disarray, took the steam out of it, and practically put an end to its rapid growth. All through ABIM has been nonpolitical only in the sense of not contesting for public office. In practice, however, it exerted tremendous political influence and was able under the leadership of Anwar to place great pressure on the government and to some extent influence the shaping of public policy. ABIM’s commitment to the Islamic principle of enjoining the right and fighting evil and corruption led it into a head on collision with UMNO. The climax of ABIM’s political activism came in late 1970s when the organization, under the leadership of Anwar, rallied in support of the poor Malay farmers in the state of perlis, against the government’s plan to force them out of their land without offering adequate compensation. Anwar was arrested and spent the next two years in prison under the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA) which permit the police to detain persons accused of endangering national security up to two years without trial. The Islamic movement has been an essential force in the development of Malaysian society. PAS, ABIM, and the array of smaller organizations and groups have been actively involved in molding social values and attitudes, and shaping public institutions and policies. Islamic organizations and groups have been, however, reacting to policies and actions taken by UMNO leaders rather than playing a proactive role. The posture adopted by Islamic groups is very often defensive, aimed a mitigating the negative influences of the developmental policies promoted by the government, rather than advancing an alternative developmental vision of their own. But while Islamic groups in Malaysia have not succeeded so far in advancing concrete and sufficiently detailed proposals for the realization of the Islamic ideals they advocate, their emphasis on empowering the poor and the disadvantaged, and their vigilance against economic and political corruption, have helped curtail unscrupulous behavior.