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DBQ The Alien and Sedition Acts passed in 1798 had controversies brought up on its four acts. This included the Sedition Act, Alien Friends Act, Alien Enemies Act, and Naturalization Act. The Federalist party, led by Hamilton, considered these acts as necessary for the stability of the United States. Directed towards aliens of the U.S., the Alien and Sedition Acts greatly influenced all current aliens and future aliens to be.
The first of these acts was the Naturalization Act. Through this, the time for aliens to become citizens increased from 5 to 14 years. This act was passed in order to discourage people with foreign governmental ideas from influencing the government too soon. Five years was no where near the amount of time to be given all of the privileges of citizenship. “Besides the more serious causes which have been hinted at as endangering our Union, there is another less dangerous, but against which it is necessary to be on our guard. I mean the petulance of party differences of opinion.”(Document H) In this document, it states that too many different parties or party ideas can be fatal and can endanger our Union.
Alien Friends and Alien Enemies Act gave the power for the president to restraint and deport in times of war resident adult aliens of the hostile nation. Also, it gave the power of the President to deport any alien considered dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States. This ensured that no harm would come to the country. If anyone was planning an attack on the government or on the country, the President would be able to imprison them to prevent anything from happening. Even if it was a false accusation, no evidence would have to be secured in order for the alien that is considered “dangerous” to be apprehended for further questioning.
The Sedition Act, perhaps the act with the most controversies brought up, made it illegal to publish “scandalous and malicious” writings against the government or its officials. This act was passed to prevent the people from insulting the government in such a way to cause a commotion. For example, some people called John Adams “fat”, disrespecting him greatly. If people were allowed to criticize the government, it would basically be saying that its officials aren’t suitable for their job and therefore letting down the country. This would make people believe that their government is not powerful enough or able to run the country smoothly. However, criticizing the government was considered by some as not “wrong” and not damaging for anybody. They thought that since no physical force was involved and no one was getting hurt physically, there was nothing wrong with it.
“The Raven” and “The Darkling Thrush” Comparison “The Raven”, by Edgar Allen Poe, and “The Darkling Thrush”, by Thomas Hardy are very intriguing poems that have the reader try to interpret what the poem and poet are trying to say. By breaking down both of them, a once confused reader can look at it again, and see the real meaning, rather than the literal one. By immersing yourself within the depths of these two poems, one can understand of how everything falls into place and holds a true value to it. They are similar in that they both have birds as the subject or focus of the poem. The two birds are symbols of something that will affect life, in a good or bad way. By having the birds as the object or living thing in the poem, the whole mood, environment, and theme are influenced. In both poems, the time period is in the last day of December, or the eve of a new year, or new beginning. In “The Darkling Thrush”, it is interesting that Hardy uses a thrush as the bird in the poem. A thrush, or a small, mysterious bird that is unknown of its exact species, is introduced at the end of the poem. The whole poem is describing how everything is dull and dead and lifeless. But then, all of a sudden, there is life, in the form of a bird. The bird is basically trying to show that, hey, even though everything appears to be dead and nonliving, there is something there. Even though it is barren and empty in the setting which the poem takes place, a bird brings life by singing happily and joyfully and basically bringing life to the deadness and dullness. I believe that the bird is unknown because it brings a sort of mysteriousness to the mood. What kind of bird is it? “The Raven”, on the other hand, is the exact opposite. Instead of life coming to death, death is about to end life. A man is sitting in his house in December, and death, in the form of a speaking raven, brings the sight and fear of death to him. I think Poe used a bird as the messenger in his poem because it’s ironic that a bird is speaking to him in a human language. It wouldn’t be as dramatic of a poem if a man was the messenger. By using a bird, Poe can bring more fear and irony into the poem and make it better overall. In this poem, the man is in fear and is in the brink of death and is in pain and agony. He is weeping over “Lenore”, who is probably someone he loves. I believe poets use birds in poetry because they can be used to symbolize almost anything. For example, there are birds that sing in the morning and are happy and joyful. On the other hand, there are birds like ravens and vultures that are thought of to be dark or evil in their ways. Ravens and vultures can be used to represent something like hatred, fear, death, and anything that is negative. Canaries and mockingbirds, on the other hand, sing joyous songs and can represent love, happiness, and life. Poets are able to set the mood for any poem by using a bird that can interpret the poem’s meaning and define it.
Wages and Labor Markets in the United States, 1820-1860.
Link to this page <a href="http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Wages+and+Labor+Markets+in+the+United+States,+1820-1860-a077498539">Wages and Labor Markets in the United States, 1820-1860.</a>
By Robert A. Margo.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. Pp. xii, 200. $28.00.
The American economy underwent a series of profound changes between 1820 and 1860--including the completion of the Erie Canal, the growth of commercial banking, industrialization in the Northeast, breakthroughs in the mechanization of agriculture, a 10-fold increase in cotton production, the rapid westward movement of population, the construction of over 30,000 miles of railroads, and (after 1845) the highest per capita rate of immigration in the country's history. Yet, our understanding of this period in which the United States experienced the onset of modern economic growth is surprisingly limited. Despite a consensus that per capita GDP rose substantially during this period, there has been considerable debate about whether the standard of living of the average worker rose. As Robert Margo (Vanderbilt) amply demonstrates in his thorough and painstaking review of previous studies, estimates of nominal and real wage trends and movements during this period are generally confined to the Northeast, rest on thin and perhaps unrepresentative bodies of evidence, and often involve questionable assumptions.
Margo scores an economic historian's hat trick: combining extensive data collection with careful, sensible, rigorous statistical analysis and an economically written, knowledgeable, wide-ranging interpretation of the findings. The core of his new evidence consists of newly collected payroll records containing nearly 60,000 monthly observations for civilian workers hired by the U.S. Army at forts and bases around the country between 1820 and 1860. These data are supplemented by evidence collected from the federal manuscript Censuses of Social Statistics of 1850 and 1860. Margo uses these data to construct annual nominal and real wage series for three groups of workers--artisans, common laborers and teamsters, and clerks--in four regions: the Northeast, Midwest, South Atlantic, and South Central. To do this, he uses hedonic regressions that control for fort location, workers' characteristics and occupations, and season before isolating the impact of year dummies on wage levels.
He concludes that in the aggregate, between 1820 and 1860, real wages grew at about 1% per year, approximately the same as the growth rate of real output per worker. Real wage growth was strongest for white-collar workers, but was fairly anemic for artisans in the Midwest and South Atlantic. In addition, Margo verifies that real wages followed an erratic course. Real wages generally grew sluggishly from the 1820s to the 1830s and fell between the 1840s and 1850s--as massive immigration glutted the labor market.
Next Margo examines the effectiveness of antebellum markets in allocating labor and dealing with economic change. He finds that the market was successful in shifting labor out of agriculture and into the burgeoning nonagricultural sector--wage gaps between the two sectors were fairly small. Consistent with the flow of labor in this period, Margo finds that wages in the West were persistently higher than in the East. Wages in the Midwest were initially considerably higher than in the Northeast but there was a marked convergence of northern wages over time. In the South wage gaps were much smaller and demonstrate little trend. In addition, Margo finds that the emergence of noticeably lower wages in the South Atlantic than in the Northeast predates the Civil War. The final empirical chapter examines the impact of the California Gold Rush on the western labor market. Because the short-run elasticity of labor supply was so small, the discovery of gold initially caused real wages to soar approximately 615% from la te 1847 and early 1848 to their peak in 1849. Real wages were soon eroded, but they remained permanently higher than they had been before the rush.
Margo's findings are important because they cover a wide geographical scope and a continuous period of four decades. The leading textbooks in the field will make major revisions on the basis of this volume. However, it is important not to push these data too far and pretend to a certainty about this period--especially when real wage trends in our own era are the subject of vigorous debate. Margo carefully and repeatedly points Out the fragility of his new series while defending their overall usefulness. He notes, for example, that the price series used to deflate nominal wages have biases that cannot be eliminated, that data are thin for certain region-occupation-year combinations, and that wages paid by the military may not perfectly reflect broader civilian pay levels.
Perhaps the greatest potential weakness of this study is the assumption that wages paid at forts that are often on the edge of a large census region are indicative of levels and trends for the broader region. This problem is probably least serious for the Northeast and worst for the Midwest and South Atlantic. Over three-fourths of the observations for Midwestern laborers and nearly two-thirds of the observations for Midwestern artisans come from Kansas. If the labor market near Kansas forts was out of step with the rest of the Midwestern labor market, the yearly dummy variables are likely to reflect the peculiarities of the Kansas market rather than the regional market, since the econometric specifications assume a time-invariant set of fort-specific effects. Although Margo is well-versed in economic history and labor history, he makes little reference to military history. To adequately understand this labor market data, we probably need to know what was happening during the period at places like Kansas' Fo rt Leavenworth--the "Queen of the Frontier Posts," a key staging ground during the Mexican War, through which thousands of wagons passed while traveling to the West, especially along the Santa Fe Trail. Could the isolation, dangers, and resultant compensating wage differentials paid to those working at such posts have ebbed and flowed at a pace that was dissimilar to the broader Midwestern labor market? I am somewhat wary.
Likewise, the South Atlantic data are dominated by observations from Florida--over 70% of South Atlantic laborer observations are from Florida, nearly 60% of artisans, and almost half of white-collar workers. Florida was surely on the periphery of this region, which extends up to Maryland. Moreover the bulk of the observations come from the period in which the Second Seminole War was raging--a war that left about 1400 American soldiers and 100 American civilians dead, mainly from disease. Although the timing of the war seems to have had an immense impact on wages in the South Atlantic, Margo does not mention its existence. Table 3A.3 shows that nominal wages in the South Atlantic soared between 1835 and 1836, as the war erupted, then stayed fairly high until the end of the war, which wound down around 1842. Likewise, the real wage data show the South Atlantic to be an outlier. In the years at the start of the war, real wages fell considerably in the other regions, but rose in the South Atlantic. Does a data set dominated by war-wracked Florida reflect broader trends in the South Atlantic during this period?
These concerns about matching military with economic history may not undermine Margo's broader conclusions, but they reemphasize potential problems with the data and the need to interpret them carefully.
